A report from Lokaramaṇa Upādhyāya to Māthavara Siṃha Thāpā on
political developments in Sindhia after the Gwalior campaign of 1843 (VS
1900)
ID: DNA_0004_0036
Edited and
translated by Manik Bajracharya, Simon Cubelic, Rajan Khatiwoda
Created: 2016-11-30;
Last modified: 2018-06-25
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Published by Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities: Documents on the History of
Religion and Law of Pre-modern Nepal, Heidelberg, Germany, 2017.
Published by the courtesy of the National Archives, Kathmandu. The copyright of
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Abstract
Lokaramaṇa Upādhyāya provides a detailed and accurate overview of the provisions of
the peace treaty between the Company Government and Gwalior state after the
hostilities of the year 1843.
Diplomatic edition
[1r]
1⟪नं३७५⟫
1स्वस्ति
श्रीसर्वोपमाजोग्यत्यादिसकलगुणालंकृतराजभारोद्धारनसामर्थजनरलसाहेवश्री
2श्रीश्रीजनरलमातवरसिंहथापामाहासयषु¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯3श्रीलोकरमनोपाध्यायकोवेदोक्तसुभआसिर्वादउप्रान्तवाइसदिनलाठसाहेव
ग्वालि
4यरमारह्यायस्मा२०हजारराषिअरूसवैसिँधियाकोफौजऔपल्टन्रिसालागैह्र
5लाठसाहेवलेमौकुफ्गर्यामौकुफगर्याकाफौजकावदलामाकंपनिकोफौजकन्टिल्
6जंटिकापल्टनहरूररिसालाग्वालियरमाराषन्यावंदोवस्तगर्याउसषर्चदर्माहानिमि
7त्त
भाडेर१
कछुव़ाधार१
वदेरि१
हडियाहर्दा१
सहारनपुर१
सुजातपुर१
जाव़द१इ
8सातजगामा१४लाषरूपैञाआमदानिहुन्याअंग्रेजहरूलेझिकिलियाअघि
वैजावा
9इसितझगडाहुदाकंपनिकोषर्चपर्याको११लाषरूपैञाहाललडाइहुदाषर्चभया
10को१५लाषरूपैञाज्मा२६लाषरूपैञाग्वालियरकाषजानावाटलाठसाहेववाटन
11गदटोडालि
ग्वालियकोराज्यजस्तोअघिथियोवहालगर्या
रामराव़वावाफालकेला
12इकामदारिमावहालगरिउनमनि
भाउपोतनिसगैह्रलाइराष्याअघिकाकामदार
13मामासाहेवभन्याकालाइग्वालियरडाकन्यासलाहभयनयतिवंदोवस्तलेषपढभैला
14ठसाहेवग्वालियरवाटकुँचगरि
सेव़धाभन्याकाजगा
वुदेलषंडगयाव़ाहावुदेलषं
15डकाराजाहरूसितमुलाकातगरि
कालपिवाटडाकमासव़ारभै
कलकत्ताआ
16व़न्याछन्वुदेलषंडकारजिडंटकासाथमा
झासिकादेव़ानकाछोराग्वपालराव़
17लाठसाहेवकासाथग्वालियरगयाकाथियाउनकावावुवाटचिठिपठाउनलाइनि
18स्तुरषवरमगाइविन्तिलेष्याकोछअघिपनिवारंवारदर्माहाकोविन्तिचह्राइपठाया
19कोछजवापकेहिआयनषामिंदिफर्माइदर्माहाकोनिकासागरिवक्सनुभयाया
20हारिनकर्जाहरूतिरिज्यूवचाउन्यापाठगर्दाहुंचरनमाकलकत्ताकोहव़ालसवजा
21हेरैछइतिसम्वत्१९००सालमितिफागुनवदि७रोज७शुभम्
¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯
Translation
[1r]
Number 3751
Hail! To the thrice venerable General Māthavara Siṃha
Thāpā, the magnanimous one who is adorned with all [superior]
qualities—the worthiness [to be an object] of all [exalted] similes and the like—and
who is able to shoulder royal duties.
Auspicious blessings from Lokaramaṇa Upādhyāya as uttered
in the Vedas .
Uprānta: Lord (lāṭhā)
sāhaba2 remained in Gwalior for twenty-two
days. Keeping 20,000 [troops] there, Lord sāhaba disbanded all of
Sindhia's armies, battalions, cavalries and so
forth.3
Instead of the armies that were disbanded, he arranged to place in Gwalior armies of
the Company and battalion and cavalry of the contingent force
(kaṇṭiljaṃṭi).4 For the expenses and monthly salaries
[relating to] this, the English raised 14 lakh rupees as revenue in the following
seven places: Bhāḍera, Kachuvādhāra, Vaḍeri, Haḍiyāhardā, Sahāranapura, Sujātapura, and Jāvada.5 The 11 lakh rupees that arose as costs to the Company during the
dispute with Baijā Bāi earlier,6 and the 15 lakh rupees that have
arisen in the current war—in total 26 lakh rupees of cash and valuables—Lord
sāhaba took from the Gwalior treasury [but] kept the kingdom of
Gwalior as it was before.7 He
retained Rām Rāo Bābā Phālke8 as kāmadāra
[of Gwalior state] and placed persons such as Bhāu
Potanisa9 under him. There
were no suggestions to call the former kāmadāra named Māmā Sāheba10 [back] to
Gwalior. Having arranged all this and other paperwork, Lord sāhaba
left Gwalior and hastened to a place called Sevadhā11 in Budelakhaṃḍa. There, once he has met with the kings of Budelakhaṃḍa,
he will come to Calcutta from Kālapi12 by
post coach. Gopāla Rāo, the son of the devāna of Jhansi,13 had gone to Gwalior with the resident of
Budelakhaṃḍa14 and Lord sāhaba. His father (i.e., Bhāu Potanisa)
has written requesting that factual (?)15 tidings be sent so
that [he] will write a letter.16
Earlier, too, a request for [my] salary has been sent from time to time. No reply has
come. If you, compassionate as you are, released [my] salary, I would save my life by
clearing [my] debts here. To [your] feet the condition of Calcutta is already known.
Saturday, the 7th of the dark fortnight of Phālguna in the [Vikrama] era year 1900 (1844
CE). Auspiciousness.
Commentary
In this letter, Lokaramaṇa Upādhyāya provides a detailed and to all appearances
accurate overview of the provisions of the peace treaty between the Company
Government and Gwalior state after the hostilities of the year 1843. The conflict
between the two parties arose when an anti-British faction at the court of Gwalior
prevailed and started to assert Gwalior's autonomy (Farooqui
2007: 54-55), taking advantage of British military setbacks during the
First Anglo-Afghan War. During the late 1830s Nepal had tried to re-establish
diplomatic ties with Sindhia in order to win her over for an anti-British alliance
(cf. Mojumdar 1973: 33-34).
Notes
1. An addition by a second hand in the original,
representing the manuscript number assigned by the National Archives
Nepal.
[⇑] 4. According to the 1844 treaty,
the Gwalior contingent under the command of British officers was substantially
enlarged and was to consist of five batteries of artillery, two regiments of
cavalry, and seven regiments of infantry (
Farooqui
2011: 99-100, 110 n. 9).
[⇑] 5. According to Art. 2-3 (Schedule A) of the 1844 treaty, Gwalior had to
draw on revenue from the following districts to support the Gwalior contingent:
Bhanderee,
Chunderee,
Ghur Mhow,
Mhow Mahonee,
Jawnd,
Jerun,
Indorkee,
Gungupore,
Yawul
Chupra,
Sitwas Minawur,
Kutchwaghur,
Ruttunghur,
Hindia Hirdah,
Manpoor,
Char Manah,
Nodha (cf.
Anonymous 1844: 18,
20).
[⇑] 6. Baijā
Bāi was the wife of
Daulat Rao and served as regent of
Gwalior after his death from 1827 to 1833. It is not entirely clear which dispute
is being referred to here. Art. 5 of the 1844 treaty only mentions "a further sum
of one lack on account of advances made to her Highness Baeza Baee" which Gwalior
state had to repay to the Company Government. One possibility is that it refers to
disputed claims resulting from a loan of Rs. 80 lakh advanced by Baijā Bāi to the
British in 1827 and repaid in 1830 (
Farooqui 2011:
50-51). However, it would seem more plausible that the outstanding sum resulted
from the escape of Baijā Bāi after the coup of 1833 (cp.
Farooqui 2011: 54 ff.). A colonial source mentions that Baijā Bāi
received an annual pension of 2 lakh rupees for the maintenance of the Gwalior
contingent (
Aitchison 1864: 205). One might also
speculate whether the British demand resulted from the pension money Baijā Bāi
took with her while fleeing from Gwalior.
[⇑] 7. I.e., he did not dissolve it.
[⇑] 8. Ram Rao Phalke was one of leading commanders of the Maratha
cavalry and a British loyalist in Gwalior (cp.
Farooqui
2011: 54 ff.). After the war of 1843, Phalke was installed by the
British as head of the Regency Council.
[⇑] 9. According to a letter written by the British
resident at Gwalior in May 1843, Bhāu Potanisa was "formerly one of the Ministers
in the early part of the late Maharajah's Government, and latterly was employed as
Dewan in the Jhansi territory under
Captain Ross"
(cit. in
Anonymous 1844: 32).
[⇑] 13. Probably
the son of Bhāu Potanisa.
[⇑] 15. nistura,
probably a scribal error for
nistuka.
[⇑] 16. It is unclear to whom Bhāu Potanisa
wanted to write the letter.
[⇑]