Version with DOI and citation guidelines Editorial Principles

A letter from Subbā Jayanta Khatri writing from Ilamagaḍhī to Kājī Jaspāu Thāpā reporting on the killing of Limbus and Lepchas at the Nepal-Sikkim frontier (VS 1883)

ID: DNA_0001_0109


Edited and translated by Julia Shrestha in collaboration with Martin Gaenszle
Created: 2018-11-14; Last modified: 2024-11-05
For the metadata of the document, click here

Published by Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities: Documents on the History of Religion and Law of Pre-modern Nepal, Heidelberg, Germany, 2023. Published by the courtesy of the National Archives, Kathmandu. The copyright of the facsimile remains with the Nepal Rashtriya Abhilekhalaya (National Archives, Government of Nepal). All use of the digital facsimiles requires prior written permission by the copyright holder. See Terms of Use.
The accompanying edition, translation/synopsis and/or commentary are available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License CCby-SA.

Abstract

This letter, written from Īlāmagaḍhī by Subbā Jayanta Khatri to Kājī Jaspāu Thāpā, details the persecution and killing of Limbus and Lepchas at the Nepal-Sikkim frontier by Kājī Ikundā's descendants.



Diplomatic edition

[1r]

श्रीदुर्गाज्यू­\

⟪१­१०९­⟫

1स्वस्ति­श्रीसर्वोपमाजोग्येत्यादिसकलगुण:गम्भीर:राजभारोद्धरसामर्थसी
2लसागर∙महोदधीधर्म्मऔतारःधर्म्ममूर्तीश्रीश्रीश्रीकाजीसाहेव­जस्‌पा
3उ­थापाज्यूःका­
चरनतल­श्री­सुव्वा­जयन्त­षत्रिकस्य­सलाम:सतम्‌पू
4र्वकपत्रमीदम्‌­:ईत­साहेवका­मेहेर­कृपाले­कुसल­:ताहां­साहेव­कुसल
5मंगल­भया­:हाम्रो­प्रतीपाल­उद्धार­∙होला­आगे­ञांहांको­समाचार­∙भलो­छ­:
6उप्रान्त­अलीक­वीस्तार­∙हिजो­पनि­लेष्याको­हो­∙यो­कुरा­नीसय­∙रहेछ­५­ज
7ना­मानीस्‌­आईपुग्या­:ईकुन्दा­काजीको­सन्तान­भाई­भतीजा­:यताका­
8पुराना­मानिस्‌­लीम्वु­लापचालाई­पक्रदै­काटतै­गरेछ­:उमकन्या­
9जंगलमा­कवीला­हाली­जंगलमा­पसीरह्याछं­:यस्‌­वेलाःमा­:हाम्रो­र­∙प्र
10जाप्रानीको­सरन­नलीदि­याता­:हामी­प्रजाप्रानीलाई­मासीसक्यो­हिजो­
11पनि­:ईकुन्दालाई­पीछा­ली­तामापत्र­गरीवक्सनु­भयाका­कामले­सुषी
12म्या­राजाको­वनाया­थीउ­:उही­पापले­उही­धार­हाम्रा­कपाल्‌मा­पर्यो­
13अव­हामीले­चेतीसक्यौ­:फीरंगीका­१­पट्टि­वस्याका­थीया­गरे­:यो­षलव
14लमा­:उही­पनि­तल­झर्यो­:षजना­पनि­१८­पीपा­थी:या­सवै­लग्यो­२­पी
15पा­षलंगामा­छं­:राजाले­झिकाया:का­तोप­२­फासीदेवामा­छं­गरे­:ञा
16हा­छैन­:केहि­कवीला­ता­अव­थोरै­दिनमा­नीस्कनं­भन्छन्‌­:गोर्षा­
17आयो­भन्न­मात्रै­पर्न्याछ­छ­हामी­जो­भयाका­प्रजाप्रानी­यता­हुदा­:
18हिडीजान्याछ­:हेर्न­सक्न्या­छैन­:भारादारहरुलाई­:पक्रदै­काटतै­
19पुराना­प्रजाप्रानीको­यो­जह­जात­हुदा­:जाउ­र­वीन्ती­गरी­सरन­परी­
20ताहा­षानु­ञाहा­चुठन­आउनु­:भनी­५­जना­मानिस्‌­पठाईराष्या
21छ­:श्री­काजी­साहेवसंगं­वीन्ती­नगरी­वांहांको­नीकास्‌­नआई­कुरा­हुदै
22न­:भनीराष्याछु­:यस्­पाला­हाम्रो­सरन­पीछा­लीनु­भयेन­भन्या­:हामी­
23वाचीउन­:भनि­गुहार­गुहार­भनि­कराउछं­:यो­कुराको­वीस्तार­∙ञाङ्‌रू
24पवाट­पनि­वुझीयेला­∙सुषीम्याको­घर­:फुटिरहेछ­:वषत­भन्या­परी
25रहेछ­:ईनलाई­क्या­जवाव­दिन्या­हो­जो­आग्या­सो­सहि­:ई­क्या­डवल
26ले­आयाको­रह्याछ­भनि­३­जना­ञाहा­राषी­२­जना­वांहांवाट­आ
27उन्या­र­ञाहावाट­हाम्रा­लापचा­४­जना­साथ­लाईकन­वुझन­पठाया­∙
28हामीलाई­सिक्षा­दिन्या­सिक्षा­दी­:दर्वारमा­वीन्ती­गर्ना­कुरा­वीन्ती­ग
29री­:चांडो­नीकासी­झीकीनवक्स्या­सव्य­असव्य­केही­वुझीयेन­∙यो­
30कुराको­चांडो­नीकासा­कृपा­गर्याजाला­:जलदाजल्‌दीको­हालसु
31रथ­लेषौ­भन्या­:१५ ।१६ ­दिनमा­तांहां­दाषिल­हुदैन­र­हवल्दा
32र­∙वाका­वस्न्यात्‌∙लाई­पठा∙याको­छ­:सरन­दिया­:मुषज्मानी­स
33वै­वीस्तार­∙वीन्ती­गर्नान्‌­:सर­अपसर­∙माफ­राषी­सिक्षा­उपदेस­
34कृपा­राष्याजाला­ईति­सम्वत्‌­१८८३­साल­मीती­∙माघ­सुदि­६­रोज­
35६­मोकाम­ईलामगढी­शुभ्म्‌­¯¯¯¯ ¯¯¯¯ ¯¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯¯ ¯¯

Translation

[1r]

Glorious Durgā

1[/]109 1

Hail! This letter—with a hundred salutations at the feet of the thrice venerable KājīJaspāu Thāpā, who is worthy of all exalting similes and suchlike, who is laden with all [superior] qualities, fit for royal duties, an ocean of virtues, an incarnation and embodiment of dharma—[is] from the venerable SubbāJayanta Khatri. If you, Sir (sāheba), are fine there, with your kindness we may prosper [and be] uplifted here.

Āge: The tidings here are good.

Uprānta: A short report was also written yesterday. It turns out to be true. 5 people have arrived [here]. "Ikundā Kājī's2 decendants and nephews [have been] capturing and killing local natives (text: purānā mānīs)3 : Limbus and Lepchas. The ones who escaped into the jungle are dividing into [seperate] family groups (kavīlā)4 and setting up camp in the jungle. At this time, rather than refuge (saran)5 being given to us and the subjects (prajāprānī) 6 here, we [and] the subjects have been killed. Earlier, moreover, your act of granting protection and issuing a tāmrapatra to Ikundā made him a confederate of the Sikkimese (text: suṣimyā) king. Because of this wrongdoing, this blade has fallen upon our heads. Now we have learned a lesson. One company of white foreigners (i.e. British) was present it seems.7 It, too, descended into this turmoil. Moreover, there were 18 barrels (pīpā) of munitions. It took everything (i.e., the British unit). 2 barrels are in Khalaṅgā. The 2 cannons released by the king seem to be in Phāsīdevā;8 [they are] not here. Some family groups (kavīlā) say [they] will set off within a few days. One will only need to say that Gorkha has come [to scare the aggressors off]. [When they do so], we, who have remained here, will set off. We cannot only look [—we have to act]. [As the aggressors are] capturing and killing [the natives'] elite (bhārādāra), go petition and seek refuge where the [Hindu] castes (i.e., Gorkhalis) are. Take food there and come [back] to wash your hands here."9 Thus were the 5 people instructed. I have been telling that without petitioning [you,] Śrī Kājī Sāheba, the matter will not be resolved. "If we cannot find refuge this time, we cannot be saved," they (i.e. the Limbu and Lepcha subjects) cried for help. [Other] details regarding this matter will likely be learned from Ñāṅ‌rūpa.10 The house of Sikkim (text: Suṣim)11 is crumbling. Time is running out. How should they be responded to? We will abide by whatever [you] command. To understand with what intention they (i.e. Ikundā's descendants) have come, 3 people have been put [forward] here, and if 2 people come from you, we shall send 4 of our Lepchas together with them to find out. Please give us instructions on what we need to instruct [them], and [please] make petition to the palace [in Kathmandu]. We will have been unable to learn what is proper and improper if, in making petition, you do not find a way out quickly. We hope that, mercifully, you will find a way out of this situation quickly. [Even] if we wanted to hastily write about the current state, it would [still] not reach you within 15-16 days. We have [therefore] sent havaldāraVākā Vasnyāt [to you]. If you grant him shelter, he will convey to you all the details. Please forgive [my] mistakes and provide guidance and instruction. Friday, the 6th of the bright fortnight of Māgha, in the [Vikrama] era year 1883 (1827 CE). Station: Īlāmagaḍhī. Auspiciousness.


Commentary

This letter sent by Subbā Jayanta Khatri from his post in Īlāmagaḍhī12 to Kājī Jaspāu Thāpā13 describes an incident of persecution and killing of Limbu and Lepcha subjects on the Nepal-Sikkim frontier. Apparently trapped, they sought protection from the Gorkha official Jayanta Khatri. The five people mentioned in the document, it seems, were despatched to the subbā to seek help, and the latter turned to Kājī Jaspāu Thāpā for instructions. This situation resulted from a chain of events unfolding in the eastern Himalayan area following the Gorkha invasion. Tensions and conflicts over territory, subjects, labour, taxes and access to roads intensified in the region, which probably resulted in large-scale conflict-driven migrations (see Warner 2021: 5-6). Some Limbu and Lepcha factions resisted external conquest successfully by using guerrilla tactics and strategically navigating alliances with multiple actors (ibid. 3-4). However, their position also rendered Limbu and Lepcha subjects vulnerable to getting caught between the fronts of competing powers, which included Sikkim, Gorkha and the British East India Company, and Limbus and Lepchas’ own political elites and headmen as well, as evidenced by the contents of this document.

A key person in the events described in Jayanta Khatri's letter was the Lepcha Kājī Ikundā a.k.a. Yug-Kunga. Though he sided with Sikkim and had fought against Gorkha in the Sino-Nepal War (1788-1792), between 1792 and 1814 the Gorkhalis installed him as govenor over Nagri, Ilam, and the northern Bengal plains, an area of considerable strategical and economic importance, where Ikundā held ancestral properties (Hamilton 1819: 123, Mullard 2013: 184). Pradhan (2009: 147) calls this instalment a pacifying move, to reconcile the Lepcha inhabitants with Gorkhali rule. Ikundā received a tāmrapatra granting him jurisdiction over the area, jagirā lands and the right to collect fines (RRC_0040_0442). He was also granted by Gorkha land for resettlement in areas around Chainpur and Vijayapur (see RRC_0006_0858, RRC_0036_0251, RRC_0036_0252). By the end of the Anglo-Gorkha War (1814-1816), Ikundā was overseeing territory and collecting tax revenue in both Sikkim (east of the Mechi) and Nepal (parts of Chainpur and Vijayapur, and of Ilam) (cf. Mullard 2013: 186). As Mullard (ibid.) remarks, this put him and his descendants in a position where he was serving two overlords at the same time, which must have been particularly worrisome for the Sikkimese king, inasmuch as Ikundā belonged to the Lepcha Barfung clan.

To understand Jayanta Khatri's letter, it is necessary to dig a little deeper into Ikundā's family background and the events that preceded those described in the text. The Barfungs were an aristocratic family that had effectively ruled Sikkim from the 1740s on (Mullard 2009: 12). Ikundā was a nephew of the Lepcha commander Chogthup (Pradhan 2009: 146-147), who had led the Sikkimese force in the Limbuwan-Gorkha War (1771-1774, see Mullard 2009: 13), and the elder brother of Bolhö, Sikkim’s chancellor under King Tshugphü Namgyal (Mullard 2013: 185). Enthroned as a child, Tshugphü Namgyal was entrusted to the care of Bolhö, who was also the king's maternal uncle. Hence, Bolhö held de facto ruling power until he was executed along with his wife and son by order of the king in 1826. Bolhö's execution has been interpreted as the Namgyals reclaiming power from the Barfungs (Sprigg 1995: 88; Mullard 2013: 181).14 In response to Bolhö's execution, Ikundā's sons started their rebellion, conducting several raids in the borderlands. Writing on the events of this insurrection, Pradhan (2009: 158; footnote 149) refers to the present document as Jayanta Khatri's letter concerning the "slaughter of Limbus, Lepchas" (ibid. 158) and a delegation of five that sought Khatri's help. As the "Kotapa insurrection,"15 these raids became a defining moment in the history of the Nepal-Sikkim border, contributing to the intensification of the boundary dispute and the successive consolidation of the border in response, and also paved the way for Sikkim's later cession of Darjeeling to the British in 1835.16


Notes

1. This is the manuscript number assigned by the National Archives. []

2. Ikundā is the Nepali rendering of Yug Kunga, a Lepcha official (yug being a Lepcha aristocratic title, see Mullard 2013: 184). He is also referred to in Nepali sources as Yekundā and (Kājī) Ekundā, in British sources as Yu-kang-ta, Yug-Konga, and Yu-kang-ta, and in Bengali sources as Angriya Gabur (Hamilton 1819: 123; Pradhan 2009: 147; Mullard 2013: 184). Members of the Sikkimese nobility adopted the title of kājī under the British influence in the region (Mullard 2013: 180). []

3. While Pradhan (Pradhan 2009: 158) translates limbu lepcā purānā mānīs apparently as "Limbu, Lepcha and other old subjects," my translation assumes that purānā mānīs (lit. "old people") is a term Jayanta Khatri uses for natives / indigenous inhabitants. []

4. The NBS gives "family," "clan," or "tribe" for kavīlā (Parājulī 2075: s.v. kabilā). However, in the present letter, it remains unclear to what size and kind of family units the term exactly refers to. Therefore, I use the rather neutral "family groups" in the translation. []

5. The term saran (also śaraṇa) here means "political refuge". For a discussion of saran and the displacements of people in the present context, see Warner (2021: 11). Warner remarks that though śaraṇa was ideally understood as creating bonds of long-lasting political obligations and dependencies, the reality in the Nepal-Sikkim borderlands in the 18th and 19th centuries was more one of fluid ties and alliances. []

6. Prajā according to R.L. Turner (1931: s.v. prajā) is a term for the subject of a ruler. M.C. Regmi (2002: 302) and Mahes Raj Pant (2002: 132) suggest that prajā was used as a generic term for non-Indo-Nepalese ethnic communities including Rais, Limbus, Darais, Kumhales, Danuwars and Chepangs. []

7. Gare here is probably a variant of are or re, indicating that this is second-hand information. []

8. Present-day Phansidewa (फांसीदेवा), Siliguri, West Bengal. []

9. This last sentence is an idiomatic expression of urgency. []

10. Probably Ñāṅ‌rūpa is the name of a person. []

11. "Sukhim" is an old term for Sikkim. The name is commonly said to derive from Limbu su khim or song khim, meaning "new house" (Arora 2007: 196; Sinha 2006: 2; Subba 1999: 133-134). Though there are different versions of the story, most agree that the Limbu queen, the wife of Tensung Namgyal, originally gave this name to the newly constructed royal palace at Rabdenste (Subba 1999: vii; 133-134; Vandenhelsken and Gaenszle 2019). []

12. Jayanta Khatri was previously stationed at the Gorkha military headquarters in Nagri. The Sagauli Treaty of 1816 stipulated that the Gorkha forces under Jayanta Khatri had to withdraw from Nagri; hence he came to Ilam (Pradhan 2009: 147; 156). []

13. It is unclear where Jaspāu Thāpā was stationed at the time. []

14. Note that power in Sikkim was strongly tied to ethnicity. The foundation of Sikkim is commonly traced back to an alliance of three ethnic groups (Bhutias, Lepchas and Limbus) who signed the Lho-Mon-Tsong Agreement in the 17th century. Representatives of these groups recognized the enthronement of the Bhutia king, and thereby Bhutia hegemony. For an analysis of ethnic categorizations in Sikkim through time, see Vandenhelsken 2009. For a discussion of political participation based on clan-ethnic hierarchies, see Vandenhelsken and Khamdak 2021. []

15. The name Kotapa is that of the Ilam branch of the Barfung family clan (Mullard 2013: 181). []

16. On the consequences of the Kotapa insurrection, and its relevance to the establishment of the British station at Darjeeling in particular, see Sprigg (1995: 89), and Pradhan (2009: 158-159). []