A letter from Subbā Jayanta Khatri writing from Ilamagaḍhī to Kājī
Jaspāu Thāpā reporting on the killing of Limbus and Lepchas at the Nepal-Sikkim
frontier (VS 1883)
ID: DNA_0001_0109
Edited and
translated by Julia Shrestha
in collaboration with
Martin Gaenszle
Created: 2018-11-14;
Last modified: 2024-11-05
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Published by Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities: Documents on the History of
Religion and Law of Pre-modern Nepal, Heidelberg, Germany, 2023.
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Abstract
This letter, written from Īlāmagaḍhī by Subbā Jayanta Khatri to Kājī Jaspāu Thāpā,
details the persecution and killing of Limbus and Lepchas at the Nepal-Sikkim
frontier by Kājī Ikundā's descendants.
Diplomatic edition
[1r]
श्रीदुर्गाज्यू\
⟪११०९⟫
1स्वस्तिश्रीसर्वोपमाजोग्येत्यादिसकलगुण:गम्भीर:राजभारोद्धरसामर्थसी
2लसागर∙महोदधीधर्म्मऔतारःधर्म्ममूर्तीश्रीश्रीश्रीकाजीसाहेव
जस्पा
3उथापाज्यूःकाचरनतलश्रीसुव्वाजयन्तषत्रिकस्यसलाम:सतम्पू
4र्वकपत्रमीदम्:ईतसाहेवकामेहेरकृपालेकुसल:ताहांसाहेवकुसल
5मंगलभया:हाम्रोप्रतीपालउद्धार∙होलाआगेञांहांकोसमाचार∙भलोछ:
6उप्रान्तअलीकवीस्तार∙हिजोपनिलेष्याकोहो∙योकुरानीसय∙रहेछ५ज
7नामानीस्आईपुग्या:ईकुन्दाकाजीकोसन्तानभाईभतीजा:यताका
8पुरानामानिस्लीम्वुलापचालाईपक्रदैकाटतैगरेछ:उमकन्या
9जंगलमाकवीलाहालीजंगलमापसीरह्याछं:यस्वेलाःमा:हाम्रोर∙प्र
10जाप्रानीकोसरननलीदियाता:हामीप्रजाप्रानीलाईमासीसक्योहिजो
11पनि:ईकुन्दालाईपीछालीतामापत्रगरीवक्सनुभयाकाकामलेसुषी
12म्याराजाकोवनायाथीउ:उहीपापलेउहीधारहाम्राकपाल्मापर्यो
13अवहामीलेचेतीसक्यौ:फीरंगीका१पट्टिवस्याकाथीयागरे:योषलव
14लमा:उहीपनितलझर्यो:षजनापनि१८पीपाथी:यासवैलग्यो२पी
15पाषलंगामाछं:राजालेझिकाया:कातोप२फासीदेवामाछंगरे:ञा
16हाछैन:केहिकवीलाताअवथोरैदिनमानीस्कनंभन्छन्:गोर्षा
17आयोभन्नमात्रैपर्न्याछछहामीजोभयाकाप्रजाप्रानीयताहुदा:
18हिडीजान्याछ:हेर्नसक्न्याछैन:भारादारहरुलाई:पक्रदैकाटतै
19पुरानाप्रजाप्रानीकोयोजहजातहुदा:जाउरवीन्तीगरीसरनपरी
20ताहाषानुञाहाचुठनआउनु:भनी५जनामानिस्पठाईराष्या
21छ:श्रीकाजीसाहेवसंगंवीन्तीनगरीवांहांकोनीकास्नआईकुराहुदै
22न:भनीराष्याछु:यस्पालाहाम्रोसरनपीछालीनुभयेनभन्या:हामी
23वाचीउन:भनिगुहारगुहारभनिकराउछं:योकुराकोवीस्तार∙ञाङ्रू
24पवाटपनिवुझीयेला∙सुषीम्याकोघर:फुटिरहेछ:वषतभन्यापरी
25रहेछ:ईनलाईक्याजवावदिन्याहोजोआग्यासोसहि:ईक्याडवल
26लेआयाकोरह्याछभनि३जनाञाहाराषी२जनावांहांवाटआ
27उन्यारञाहावाटहाम्रालापचा४जनासाथलाईकनवुझनपठाया∙
28हामीलाईसिक्षादिन्यासिक्षादी:दर्वारमावीन्तीगर्नाकुरावीन्तीग
29री:चांडोनीकासीझीकीनवक्स्यासव्यअसव्यकेहीवुझीयेन∙यो
30कुराकोचांडोनीकासाकृपागर्याजाला:जलदाजल्दीकोहालसु
31रथलेषौभन्या:१५ ।१६ दिनमातांहांदाषिलहुदैनरहवल्दा
32र∙
वाकावस्न्यात्∙लाईपठा∙याकोछ:सरनदिया:मुषज्मानीस
33वैवीस्तार∙वीन्तीगर्नान्:सरअपसर∙माफराषीसिक्षाउपदेस
34कृपाराष्याजालाईतिसम्वत्१८८३सालमीती∙माघसुदि६रोज
35६मोकाम
ईलामगढीशुभ्म्
¯¯¯¯ ¯¯¯¯ ¯¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯¯ ¯¯
Translation
[1r]
Glorious Durgā
1[/]109 1
Hail! This letter—with a hundred salutations at the feet of the thrice venerable
KājīJaspāu Thāpā, who is worthy of all exalting
similes and suchlike, who is laden with all [superior] qualities, fit for royal
duties, an ocean of virtues, an incarnation and embodiment of dharma—[is] from the venerable SubbāJayanta Khatri. If you, Sir (sāheba),
are fine there, with your kindness we may prosper [and be] uplifted here.
Āge: The tidings here are good.
Uprānta: A short report was also written yesterday. It turns
out to be true. 5 people have arrived [here]. "Ikundā
Kājī's2 decendants and nephews
[have been] capturing and killing local natives (text: purānā
mānīs)3 : Limbus and Lepchas. The ones
who escaped into the jungle are dividing into [seperate] family groups
(kavīlā)4 and setting up camp
in the jungle. At this time, rather than refuge (saran)5 being given to us and
the subjects (prajāprānī) 6 here, we [and] the subjects have been
killed. Earlier, moreover, your act of granting protection and issuing a tāmrapatra to Ikundā made him a confederate
of the Sikkimese (text: suṣimyā) king. Because of this wrongdoing,
this blade has fallen upon our heads. Now we have learned a lesson. One company of
white foreigners (i.e. British) was present it seems.7
It, too, descended into this turmoil. Moreover, there were 18 barrels
(pīpā) of munitions. It took everything (i.e., the British unit). 2
barrels are in Khalaṅgā. The 2 cannons released by the king
seem to be in Phāsīdevā;8 [they are] not here. Some
family groups (kavīlā) say [they] will set off within a few days. One
will only need to say that Gorkha has come [to scare the aggressors off]. [When they
do so], we, who have remained here, will set off. We cannot only look [—we have to
act]. [As the aggressors are] capturing and killing [the natives'] elite (bhārādāra), go petition and seek refuge where the [Hindu] castes
(i.e., Gorkhalis) are. Take food there and come [back] to wash your hands here."9 Thus
were the 5 people instructed. I have been telling that without petitioning [you,]
Śrī Kājī Sāheba, the matter will not be resolved. "If we
cannot find refuge this time, we cannot be saved," they (i.e. the Limbu and Lepcha
subjects) cried for help. [Other] details regarding this matter will likely be
learned from Ñāṅrūpa.10 The house of Sikkim (text:
Suṣim)11 is crumbling.
Time is running out. How should they be responded to? We will abide by whatever [you]
command. To understand with what intention they (i.e. Ikundā's descendants) have
come, 3 people have been put [forward] here, and if 2 people come from you, we shall
send 4 of our Lepchas together with them to find out. Please give us instructions on
what we need to instruct [them], and [please] make petition to the palace [in
Kathmandu]. We will have been unable to learn what is proper and improper if, in
making petition, you do not find a way out quickly. We hope that, mercifully, you
will find a way out of this situation quickly. [Even] if we wanted to hastily write
about the current state, it would [still] not reach you within 15-16 days. We have
[therefore] sent havaldāraVākā Vasnyāt [to you]. If you grant him shelter, he will convey
to you all the details. Please forgive [my] mistakes and provide guidance and
instruction. Friday, the 6th of the bright fortnight of Māgha, in the [Vikrama] era
year 1883 (1827 CE). Station: Īlāmagaḍhī.
Auspiciousness.
Commentary
This letter sent by Subbā Jayanta Khatri from his post in
Īlāmagaḍhī12
to Kājī Jaspāu Thāpā13 describes an incident
of persecution and killing of Limbu and Lepcha subjects on the Nepal-Sikkim frontier.
Apparently trapped, they sought protection from the Gorkha official Jayanta Khatri.
The five people mentioned in the document, it seems, were despatched to the
subbā to seek help, and the latter turned to Kājī Jaspāu Thāpā
for instructions. This situation resulted from a chain of events unfolding in the
eastern Himalayan area following the Gorkha invasion. Tensions and conflicts over
territory, subjects, labour, taxes and access to roads intensified in the region,
which probably resulted in large-scale conflict-driven migrations (see Warner 2021: 5-6). Some Limbu and Lepcha factions resisted
external conquest successfully by using guerrilla tactics and strategically
navigating alliances with multiple actors (ibid. 3-4). However, their position also
rendered Limbu and Lepcha subjects vulnerable to getting caught between the fronts of
competing powers, which included Sikkim, Gorkha and the British East India Company,
and Limbus and Lepchas’ own political elites and headmen as well, as evidenced by the
contents of this document.
A key person in the events described in Jayanta Khatri's letter was the Lepcha
Kājī Ikundā a.k.a. Yug-Kunga. Though he sided with Sikkim and
had fought against Gorkha in the Sino-Nepal War (1788-1792), between 1792 and 1814
the Gorkhalis installed him as govenor over Nagri,
Ilam, and the northern Bengal
plains, an area of considerable strategical and economic importance, where Ikundā
held ancestral properties (Hamilton 1819: 123, Mullard 2013: 184). Pradhan (2009: 147) calls this instalment a pacifying move, to reconcile the Lepcha
inhabitants with Gorkhali rule. Ikundā received a tāmrapatra
granting him jurisdiction over the area, jagirā lands and the right to
collect fines (RRC_0040_0442). He was also granted by Gorkha land for resettlement in
areas around Chainpur and Vijayapur
(see RRC_0006_0858, RRC_0036_0251, RRC_0036_0252). By the end of the Anglo-Gorkha War
(1814-1816), Ikundā was overseeing territory and collecting tax revenue in both
Sikkim (east of the Mechi) and Nepal (parts of Chainpur and
Vijayapur, and of Ilam) (cf. Mullard 2013: 186). As
Mullard (ibid.) remarks, this put him and his descendants in a position where he was
serving two overlords at the same time, which must have been particularly worrisome
for the Sikkimese king, inasmuch as Ikundā belonged to the Lepcha Barfung clan.
To understand Jayanta Khatri's letter, it is necessary to dig a little deeper into
Ikundā's family background and the events that preceded those described in the text.
The Barfungs were an aristocratic family that had effectively ruled Sikkim from the
1740s on (Mullard 2009: 12). Ikundā was a nephew of the
Lepcha commander Chogthup (Pradhan
2009: 146-147), who had led the Sikkimese force in the Limbuwan-Gorkha War
(1771-1774, see Mullard 2009: 13), and the elder brother
of Bolhö, Sikkim’s chancellor under King Tshugphü
Namgyal (Mullard 2013: 185). Enthroned as a
child, Tshugphü Namgyal was entrusted to the care of Bolhö, who
was also the king's maternal uncle. Hence, Bolhö held de facto ruling power until he
was executed along with his wife and son by order of the king in 1826. Bolhö's
execution has been interpreted as the Namgyals reclaiming power from the Barfungs
(Sprigg 1995: 88; Mullard
2013: 181).14 In response to Bolhö's execution, Ikundā's sons started
their rebellion, conducting several raids in the borderlands. Writing on the events
of this insurrection, Pradhan (2009: 158; footnote 149)
refers to the present document as Jayanta Khatri's letter concerning the "slaughter
of Limbus, Lepchas" (ibid. 158) and a delegation of five that sought Khatri's help.
As the "Kotapa insurrection,"15 these raids became a defining moment in the history of the
Nepal-Sikkim border, contributing to the intensification of the boundary dispute and
the successive consolidation of the border in response, and also paved the way for
Sikkim's later cession of Darjeeling to the British in 1835.16
Notes
1. This is the manuscript number assigned by the National
Archives.
[⇑] 2. Ikundā is the Nepali rendering of Yug Kunga, a Lepcha
official (
yug being a Lepcha aristocratic title, see
Mullard 2013: 184). He is also referred to in Nepali
sources as Yekundā and (Kājī) Ekundā, in British sources as Yu-kang-ta, Yug-Konga,
and Yu-kang-ta, and in Bengali sources as Angriya Gabur (
Hamilton 1819: 123;
Pradhan 2009: 147;
Mullard 2013: 184). Members of the Sikkimese nobility
adopted the title of
kājī under the British influence in the region
(
Mullard 2013: 180).
[⇑] 3. While Pradhan (
Pradhan
2009: 158) translates
limbu lepcā purānā mānīs
apparently as "Limbu, Lepcha and other old subjects," my translation assumes that
purānā mānīs (lit. "old people") is a term Jayanta Khatri
uses for natives / indigenous inhabitants.
[⇑] 4. The NBS gives "family," "clan," or "tribe"
for
kavīlā (
Parājulī 2075: s.v.
kabilā). However, in the present letter, it remains unclear
to what size and kind of family units the term exactly refers to. Therefore, I use
the rather neutral "family groups" in the translation.
[⇑] 5. The term
saran (also
śaraṇa) here means
"political refuge". For a discussion of
saran and the
displacements of people in the present context, see Warner (
2021: 11). Warner remarks that though
śaraṇa was
ideally understood as creating bonds of long-lasting political obligations and
dependencies, the reality in the Nepal-Sikkim borderlands in the 18th and 19th
centuries was more one of fluid ties and alliances.
[⇑] 6. Prajā
according to R.L. Turner (
1931: s.v.
prajā) is a term for the subject of a ruler. M.C. Regmi
(
2002: 302) and Mahes Raj Pant (
2002: 132) suggest that
prajā was used as a generic
term for non-Indo-Nepalese ethnic communities including Rais, Limbus, Darais,
Kumhales, Danuwars and Chepangs.
[⇑] 7. Gare here is probably a variant of
are or
re, indicating that this is second-hand information.
[⇑] 8. Present-day
Phansidewa (फांसीदेवा), Siliguri, West Bengal.
[⇑] 9. This last sentence is an idiomatic expression of urgency.
[⇑] 10. Probably Ñāṅrūpa is the name of a
person.
[⇑] 11. "Sukhim" is an old term for Sikkim. The
name is commonly said to derive from Limbu
su khim or
song khim, meaning "new house" (
Arora
2007: 196;
Sinha 2006: 2;
Subba 1999: 133-134). Though there are different versions
of the story, most agree that the Limbu queen, the wife of Tensung
Namgyal, originally gave this name to the newly constructed royal
palace at Rabdenste (
Subba 1999: vii; 133-134;
Vandenhelsken and Gaenszle 2019).
[⇑] 12. Jayanta Khatri was previously stationed at the Gorkha
military headquarters in
Nagri. The Sagauli Treaty of 1816
stipulated that the Gorkha forces under Jayanta Khatri had to withdraw from Nagri;
hence he came to Ilam (
Pradhan 2009: 147; 156).
[⇑] 13. It is
unclear where Jaspāu Thāpā was stationed at the time.
[⇑] 14. Note that power in Sikkim was strongly tied to
ethnicity. The foundation of Sikkim is commonly traced back to an alliance of
three ethnic groups (Bhutias, Lepchas and Limbus) who signed the Lho-Mon-Tsong
Agreement in the 17th century. Representatives of these groups recognized the
enthronement of the Bhutia king, and thereby Bhutia hegemony. For an analysis of
ethnic categorizations in Sikkim through time, see
Vandenhelsken 2009. For a discussion of political participation based
on clan-ethnic hierarchies, see
Vandenhelsken and Khamdak
2021.
[⇑] 15. The name Kotapa is that of the Ilam
branch of the Barfung family clan (
Mullard 2013:
181).
[⇑] 16. On the
consequences of the Kotapa insurrection, and its relevance to the establishment of
the British station at Darjeeling in particular, see Sprigg (
1995: 89), and Pradhan (
2009:
158-159).
[⇑]
Glossary
Word | Notes |
āge | [fr. S. agre] adv. lit. "henceforeward" (Riccardi 1976: 150 n. 6), especially used in administrative and legal documents to mark the beginning of a text or paragraph. In its function it is similar to uprānta. |
bhāradāra / bhārādāra | n. lit. "burden bearer"; a generic term for high-level functionaries (M.R. Pant 2002: 131); courtiers (cf. Adhikari 1984: 346; cf.: Kumar 1967: 164 ; Krauskopff and Meyer 2000: 183 ; M.C. Regmi 1978: 854 ; M.C. Regmi 1999: 136; M.C. Regmi 2002: 297; M.C. Regmi 1978: 225; Whelpton 2005: 25). According to Michael 2012: 130 the term denotes "top ranking posts such as chautariya, kaji, sardar, khardar, karpardar and khanjanchi". See also bhāibhārādāra. |
dharma | [S.] duty, religious duty, caste duty; religion; righteousness, goodness. |
habaladāra / havaladāra | var. havaldāra; n. a lower, non-commissioned military officer (Kumar 1967: 165; Whelpton 1991: 282; Stiller 1981: 380) equivalent to Sergeant (Adhikari 1984: 349); below the jamadāra (cf. Parājulī et al 1995: s.v. habaladāra). See also huddā. |
kājī | var. kāji; n. “an officer of ministerial rank superintending civil and military affairs“ (M.R. Pant 2002: 133; cp. Edwards 1975: 105). |
sāheba / sāhaba | [fr. A. sāhib] n. 1) word to respectfully address a high-ranking person, sir. 2) master. |
śrī | [S.] n. word of blessing, can be used as apprecatio, in which case it means 'good fortune' (Pant and Pierce 1989: 12), can be used as a prefix to names of persons and gods, in which case it means 'venerable' or 'glorious' respectively. The number of śrīs used varies, depending on context. |
subbā | var. subā; n. 1) governor or chief administrative officer of a province or district (cf. Kumar 1967: 168; Krauskopff and Meyer 2000: 185; M.R. Pant 2002: 135; M.C. Regmi 1999: 137; M.C. Regmi 2002: 303). 2) civil officer ranking higher than a mukhiyā, but lower than a sardāra (Stiller 1981: 382). According to Edwards subbās were stationed at Gorkha (cf. also Michael 2012: 134) and Chitwan, “with five others being administrators in the Terai” (Edwards 1975: 106). Edwards further mentions that “men of subba rank were also assigned in the capital to the Kumari Chowk, and Kat Bhandar offices, where they were the deputies of the kaji and kapardar in charge” (ibid.). 3) headmen of the Limbu community in the far-eastern hill regions (M.C. Regmi 1978: 229; cf. also 1978: 865). |
tāmāpatra / tāmrapatra | var. tā̃bāpatra, tāvāpatra; n. copperplate deed, copperplate inscription; see also moharatāmrapatra. |
uprānta | var. uprāṃta, ūprāṃnta, ūprā̃nta, prāṃta; also yathocita uprānta; conj. after that, besides, in addition to, hereafter. In earlier prose and official documents, this word marked the beginning of a text or paragraph. It has no equivalent in English (Clark 1989: 231). In some (mostly Rāṇā period?) documents, it takes the form of yathocita uprānta. |
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