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A copperplate inscription recording a land endowment by Bhīma Malla for feeding foreign Brahmins and ascetics and for worshipping Paśupatinātha (NS 760)

ID: PN_0004_0062


Edited and translated by Astrid Zotter
Created: 2021-05-05; Last modified: 2021-12-15
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Published by Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities: Documents on the History of Religion and Law of Pre-modern Nepal, Heidelberg, Germany, 2021. Published by the courtesy of the National Archives, Kathmandu. The copyright of the facsimile remains with the Nepal Rashtriya Abhilekhalaya (National Archives, Government of Nepal). All use of the digital facsimiles requires prior written permission by the copyright holder. See Terms of Use.
The accompanying edition, translation/synopsis and/or commentary are available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License CCby-SA.

Abstract

The copperplate inscription records the endowment of 32½ ropanīs of land as a trust (guṭhi) by Bhīma Malla in the name of his father, Puraṇa Malla. With the revenue from the land, foreign Brahmins and ascetics are to be fed daily and Paśupatinātha is to be worshipped on Śivarātri with specified items. Two persons are appointed in charge of the guṭhi.



Diplomatic edition

[1r]

1[siddhaṃ],ओं­अद्य­||व्रह्मणो­द्वितीयपरार्द्धे­श्वेतवराहकल्पे­ःवैवस्वतमनो,रष्ताविंशतितमस्य­चतुयुगस्य­कले­प्रथमपादे­जम्वुदीपे­भरतखण्डे­
2भारतवर्षे­हिमवत­दक्षिनपादे­नेपारदेशे­श्री३पशुपतिसंन्निधाने­वासुकिक्षेत्रे­वाग्मःत्यां­पश्चिमकुले­,श्री३विष्णुमत्यां­पुव्वकुले­,
3श्री३पशुपतिस्थाने­इहैव­पुण्यदुमौ­|पौषमास्य­शुक्लपक्ष­|पुर्ण्णमास्यान्­तिथौ­पुनर्व्वसुनक्षेत्रे­वैधृतिजोगे­यथाकरणमुहुर्त्तरे­आदित्यवासरे­
4मक्ररासिगते­सवितरि­मिथूनरासिगते­चंद्रमसि­||मक्रसंक्रान्तौ­महापर्व्वदिने­|श्री३पशुपतिसंर्न्निधाने­,प्रत्यहं­प्रस्थपरिमिता,न्न,मतिथिभ्यो­
5दापयितुं­|पितु­श्रीश्रीपुरणमल्लदेवस्य­नाम्ना­,पुत्रेन­श्रीश्रीभीममल्लदेवन­,श्री३पशुपतिप्रीत्यर्थं­सार्द्धद्वात्रिंशद्रोपनीपरिमितं­सुनपानामक्षे
6त्रं­सप्रदत्तं­|अस्मिन्नर्थे­ऽन्यथाकर्त्ता­पंचमहापातकी­भविख्यती,त्यस्मिन्नर्थे­साक्षिण­आदित्यादयो­देवा­इति­||अनेन­कृतपुण्यन­श्री३पशुपतिश्व
7रप्रीतिरस्तु­||अत­पलं­देशभाखा­स्थानम्य­र्पाश्चिमदिशि­प्रदेशे­वाग्वडकुसि­सुनपाखोलक्षेत्रनामसंज्ञकं­श्रीश्रीराजकुलक्षेत्रेन­पश्चिमतो­उत्तरत
8श्­च­,मयासिंह­आचार्यकस्य­क्षत्रेन­पुर्व्वता­,मार्ग्गेन­दक्षिनतो­,एतेषां­मध्य­सार्द्धद्वात्रिंशतिरोपनीकं­क्षत्राङ्कतो­पि­वु­रो­३२­चुलं­२­थते­वुया­वलसानं­नित्य­
9न्हिन­जाके­फं­१­कुल­१­श्री­३­पशुपतिश्वरजुया­दक्षिणद्वारस­चोङाव­∙सदावर्त्त­परदेसि­व्राह्मणयातं­,संन्यासि­जंगम­जोगि­आदिन­,परदेसियातं­
10थ्व­वुया­जाकेन­नित्य­न्हिथक­विय­माल­थ्वगुलि­वुया­अर्न्न­सुनानं­परदेसि­प्राह्मण­संन्यासि­जंगम­जोगियात­सदावर्त्त­मविस्य­सुनानं­थ्वगुलि­|
11अर्न्न­नेपारस­वृत्ति­दयाव­चोङ­व्राह्मण­संन्यासि­जंगम­जोगियात­विरसा­श्री­३­पशुपतिश्वरजुया­कुदिष्टि­पंचमाहापतक­राक्व­फल­जुरो­पुन­
12भाखा­जाके­फं­१०­दवथ्य­शिवरात्र­चतुर्द्दशी­कुन्हु­पंयामृत­वेलपात्र­स्वान­दयकाव­श्री­३­पशुपतिश्वरजुस्के­पूजा­याय­माल­थ्वतेस­प्रसेख­के­फं­९०८­
13वथ्य­गुथिस­निस्त्रपुह्मयात­जुरो­,थ्वया­गुथि­चुखाच्छेया­चंगु­पुजावालि­गोपार­दुच्छेया­ध्यानगुण­थ्वते­गुथि­कतकन­थ्व­पतिभाखा­थ्य­मनिस्त्र
14पं­रोभ­यातसा­गोहथ्या­प्रह्महथ्या­गुरुहथ्या­वालहथ्या­स्त्रीहथ्या­एते­पंचमाहापातक­राक­जुरो­,रोभ­मयास्यं­निस्तपंह­कारे­अनिग्रह­उता­फ
15ल­जुरो­थ्वते­भाखाया­दृष्टसाक्षि­जावत­चंद्रार्क्कमे
16दनि­||सम्वत्­७६०­लिखितं­मयुरध्वजं­शुभमस्तु­सर्व्व
17दा­शुभं­||

Translation

[1r]

[Success!]1 Oṃ! Today, in the second, the latter half of Brahmā's [life], in the śvetavārāhakalpa, in the first quarter of the kali[yuga] of the 28th four-yuga[-cycle] of the vaivasvata[manvantara], in jambudvīpa, in the bharata sector (bharatakhaṇḍa), on the Indian subcontinent (bhāratavarṣa), at the southern foot of the Himavat (Himalaya), in the country Nepāla, in the environs of threefold glorious Paśupati, in the sacred field (kṣetra) of the serpent king Vāsuki, on the western side of the Vāgmatī, on the eastern side of the threefold glorious Viṣṇumatī, at the threefold glorious Paśupati's seat2 —here on such meritorious ground on the full moon day in the bright half of the month of Pauṣa, when the lunar mansion (nakṣatra) is punarvasu, when the yoga is vaidhṛti, in such and such a karaṇa and muhūrta, on Sunday, with the sun in Capricorn (makara) [and] the moon in Gemini (mithuna), on the day of the great festival of Makarasaṃkrānti, twofold venerable Bhīma Malla Deva, the son of [and] in the name of [his] father, twofold venerable Puraṇa Malla, in order to please threefold glorious Paśupati, has donated a field named Sunapā measuring 32½ ropanīs so as to have [one] prastha measure of food be given daily to guests in threefold glorious Paśupati's environs. Whoever acts against the aim of the deed will be one who has committed one of the five heineous crimes (pañcamahāpātakī). The witnesses to this deed are deities—the Sun etc. May threefold glorious Paśupati's favour be accorded by reason of the merit that has been garnered! From here onward in the local language: In the region west of [this] place, [west of] the Vāgvata River (kusi for khusi?), the field known under the name of Sunapākhola, [situated] west and north of the fields belonging to the twofold venerable royal family, east of the field belonging to Mayāsiṃha Ācārya, and south of the road—in the midst of these—a field measuring thirty-two and a half ropanika, [in numbers] 32 ro[panī]s,3 2 culas. From the landowner's (i.e. the guthi's) annual share of grains (balasāna) of this field 1 phaṃ, 1 kurha (text: kula)4 of husked rice [shall be provided] daily. Standing at the southern gate of threefold glorious Paśupatijyu sadābarta with husked rice from this land, one shall give [it] daily to foreigners, including foreign Brahmins, Saṃnyāsīs, Jaṅgamas and Jogīs. If someone does not give the yield of this land to foreign Brahmins, Saṃnyāsīs, Jaṅgamas and Jogīs, [or] if someone gives this yield to Brahmins, Sannyāsīs, Jaṅgamas and Jogīs who possess property in Nepāla, the malevolent stare of threefold glorious Paśupatiju [will fall on him, and] the result will be [similar] to that brought on by the pañcamahāpātaka. Again [another] regulation: [With an amount] equivalent to 10 phaṃ of husked rice (lit. "as if having 10 phaṃ of husked rice") one shall perform worship (pūjā) of threefold glorious Paśupatīśvaraju with pañcāmṛta, bela leaves and flowers on Śivarātri fourteenths.5 The remainder of this [harvest yield], about 908 phaṃs of rice, are for the caretakers in the guṭhī6 . [The persons responsible] for this guthī are Gopāla, a temple priest (pūjāhārī) [of] Caṃgu (i.e. Cāṅgu Nārāyaṇa?) from Cukhācche, [and] Dhyānaguṇa from Ducche. Members of this guthi who do not follow these regulations [or] covet [its funds] attain the result of these five heinous crimes: the killing of a cow, the killing of a Brahmin, the killing of one's guru, the killing of a child and the killing of a woman;7 whoever observes the rules without coveting, [shall] obtain the supreme result, which cannot be taken away over time (kāle anigraha uttama phala). The witnesses to these rules: the Moon, Sun and Earth for as long as [they exist]. Written by Mayuradhvaja, [in the Nepāla] era 760 (1640 CE). May there be auspiciousness eternally! Auspiciousness.


Commentary

For other transcriptions of the inscription, see Taṇḍana VS 2041: 27–28 and Taṇḍana 1999: 162–163. In the present edition, spelling and writing mistakes have been corrected throughout in the Sanskrit portion of the text, while in the Newari portion (after ataḥ paraṃ deṣabhāṣā) orthographic variance, especially that pertaining to the length of i- and u-vowels, the free variation of -kha and -ṣa, -ra and -la, and -na and -ṇa, has been treated as part of the language and corrections have been confined to more grave inconsistencies.

The text of the inscription follows standards for land endowments. Different registers are used for Sanskrit and Newari. The Sanskrit portion starts with the specification of the time and place in terms of the default Puranic temporal and spatial parameters (Gonzáles-Reimann 2020), the same parameters that are also part of the usual formula for declaring the ritual commitment (saṃkalpa, see Michaels 2005). As in a saṃkalpa the purpose of the endowment and the name of the donor are mentioned in addition to time and place, but unlike such a ritual commitment, the inscription phrases these details not as a declaration in the first-person, but with the donated land as its third-person subject. Among the local specifications, after the supra-regional level, which accords with saṃkalpas from all over South Asia,8 the regional part contains typical Nepalese elements, including the Himalaya, the Paśupati locale, the kṣetra, and the location in relation to rivers.9 After the common announcement of the switch into the second language (ataḥ paraṃ deśabhāṣā), the Newari portion of the text also exhibits default phrasings, as found, for example in paper documents from the Malla period (Kölver and Śākya 1985, Lubin 2018: 61–66). It states the dedicated land's exact location and its name, along with more details of its intended usage and administration.

The inscription concerns the feeding of foreigners at the Paśupatinātha temple on Śivarātri, a well-known practice observed still today (Michaels 1994: 272–276).10 Apart from Brahmins the text mentions ascetics—naming three specific groups as examples—as potential receivers. It stresses further that those who have property in Nepal should not be fed.

The donor of the deed, Bhīma Malla, is a well-known person in Nepalese history. In the vaṃśāvalīs, the chronicles, he appears as a tragic figure (see A. Zotter 2013: 245–247, Ṭaṇḍana VS 2041 for more details). As an apt and loyal minister (kājī) to the king of Kathmandu, Lakṣmīnarasiṃha, he earned great merit, but became the victim of political intrigue and was unjustly killed on the king's orders. The curse his wife allegedly uttered as a satī on her husband's funeral pyre that proper judgement would never be obtained from the royal court has become proverbial. Thus Nepal has been known as "country cursed by a satī" (satīle sarāpeko deśa). The chronicles make Bhīma Malla a relative of the royal family and associate his death with the removal of the old king, Lakṣmīnarasiṃha, from the throne around 1641. Some chronicles call him Pratāpa Malla's brother, others the latter's sister's husband.

The record Bhīma Malla left in epigraphic and documentary material tells a different story. Bhīma Malla commissioned a number of inscriptions. Apart from the present one, they include a follow-up copperplate, dating to the fullmoon day in Kārttika in NS 763 (1642 CE). It tops up the present endowment by 4 ropanīs of land in order to feed foreigners during intercalary months.11 On the same day, another copperplate, found at the Cā̃gunārāyaṇa temple at Changu, was issued. It records a land endowment by Bhīma—also in the name of his father and also amounting to 4 ropanīs—in order to finance the worship of Cā̃gunārāyaṇa on the 12th of the bright fortnight of Kārttika, on Kṛṣṇajanmāṣṭamī and on the full moon day of Phālguna. Three days earlier, on the 12th of the bright fortnight of Kārttika in NS 763 (1642 CE) he had consecrated a temple at Yaṭakhā Ṭola (Kathmandu) by setting up a pinnacle (gajuli) on it, as an in situ inscription on a stone slab states.12 The temple houses a śivaliṅga, which, according to Regmi's transcription of the inscription, is called Pūrṇeśvara (Regmi 1966: 79) or Pūraṇaiśvara (ibid.: 80). As this name betrays, and as is also made explicit in the text of the inscription, it was dedicated to Bhīma's father,13 whose name is rendered as Pūrṇa Malla in Regmi's transcription and in the copy and translation of the NS 763 copperplate at Paśupatinātha (PN_0008_0018), and as Pūraṇa Malla in the copperplate itself (PN_0002_0006). As Bhīma Malla performs all these deeds in the name of his father, they have unanimously been interpreted as acts to commemorate his deceased progenitor.

Bhīma Malla's deeds suggest that he and his father were indeed of royal descent. Their names are prefixed with two śrīs, as was common for royals' names in the Malla period. Bhīma's and his father's name in some cases even carry the royal honorific "Deva".14 The idea, however, that he was a biological brother of King Pratāpa is confuted by the evidence. That he may have been a classificatory brother (i.e. a cousin or the like) is nevertheless possible. What is also noteworthy is that Bhīma Malla endows land for pious purposes—a royal privilege—and, interestingly, mentions neither the reigning king nor any other human at all.

Bhīma Malla's death or that of his wife cannot be pinned down exactly in the available epigraphic sources. These do at least rule out that he had been killed in 1641. He was alive at least till 1645 CE (NS 765), as in that year he acted as a witness to a land sale by Pratāpa Malla (E_2131_0029). Maybe, then, the death the vaṃśāvalīs build their story up to and which they place around 1641—the year when Pratāpa Malla followed his father on the throne after the latter, as the story goes, had gone mad or at least had become of clouded judgement—was not Bhīma's, but that of his father. This could have occured shortly before the present inscription, the first of the extant deeds in his memory, dated NS 760 (1640 CE), three years before a commemorative temple was finished in his name. This scenario is, however, a highly speculative one.

What is also clear from Bhīma Malla's deeds is that probably one and the same person penned the texts of the known inscriptions. The writer, called Mayuradhvaja in the present inscription, is identified as a royal astrologuer (rājadaivajña) Mayūradhvaja Bhāro in the follow-up copperplate inscription from NS 763 (PN_0002_0006). In the stone inscription at Yaṭakhā Ṭola from the same year, he is called Rājadaivajña Mayūradhvaja (Regmi 1966: 80). The three texts share numerous phrases. The two copperplates are largely parallel except for the particulars pertaining to the donation. In the stone inscription, some devotional verses are slotted in before the statement of the date, but otherwise it displays a parallel structure.

So far no further corroborative evidence has been found for a royal astrologer bearing the writer’s name. Another person mentioned in the inscription, however, is possibly a known historic figure. The name of the owner of the land bordering on the dedicated plot, Mayāsiṃha Ācārya, is similar to that of the author of the Puṣpacintāmaṇi. In Puṣpacintāmaṇi 4.96 he is called Māyāsiṃha and the son of one Kṛṣṇācārya, but evidence for the identity of the two persons remains inconclusive (A. Zotter 2013: 243–244).


Notes

1. The transcription of this symbol found as an auspicious sign at the beginning of the main text of many Nepalese manuscripts as [siddhaṃ] and its translation follows the common practice adopted by different scholars (e.g. in Kölver and Śākya 1985). For different possible interpretations of the sign, see Pant 1997: 163 n. 20. []

2. Paśupatisthāna must here refer to the Paśupatinātha temple at Deopatan (similar to the use of Nep. thāna, e.g. in DNA_0001_0066, K_0001_0035C, K_0013_0020B). []

3. The syllables pi bu ro are here interpreted as 1) the classifier for plots of land (pi, see Kölver and Shresthacharya 1994: s.v.), 2) the word for land (bu), and 3) an abbreviation for ropanī. []

4. While the Sanskrit text above stipulates 1 prastha as the amount of husked rice to be distributed daily, the Newari portion gives 1 phaṃ, 1 kurha, i.e. one quarter of a prastha more. []

5. It is not clear whether the pūjā is to be performed on the fourteenth of each dark lunar fortnight or only on that of the month of Phālguna, known as the Mahāśivarātri, the "great night of Śiva". As each fourteenth day of dark lunar fortnights can be called Śivarātri, both interpretations are possible. []

6. The copperplate renders the term in its Newari spelling as guthī. []

7. Interestingly, the five heinous crimes listed here differ from the more classical list, which comprises the killing of a Brahmin, drinking intoxicating liquor, theft, committing adultery with the wife of one's teacher or elder, and associating with anyone guilty of these crimes (Manusmṛti 11.257; Olivelle 2015: 315). The mention of cow, Brahmin and woman in one breath can be called typically Nepalese and is also found in the first article of the Mulukī Ain: "This is the only Hindu kingdom in the Kali era which has a Hindu king and whose Ain is such that it bans the killing of cows, women and Brahmins; with a palace, [a location] in the Himalayas (himavatkhaṇḍa), the land of Vāsukī (i.e. the king of snakes), a pilgrimage place of Āryas, that contains Paśupati’s jyotirliṅga and the venerable abode (pīṭha) of Guhyeśvarī—such a land of merit is our own" (Khatiwoda et al. 2021: 103). []

8. See Michaels (2005: 51, 52) for two parallel examples. []

9. In other similar examples—e.g. the Saṃkalparatnāvalī quoted in Michaels (2005: 52), the Śāradīyadurgāpūjāpaddhati (Rāṇā VS 2032: 6), and also the concluding passage of the Puṣpacintāmaṇi (A. Zotter 2013: 179, 237–238)—Paśupati instead of Vāsuki is the Lord of the kṣetra. Denoting Nepal as vāsukikṣetra is not uncommon, though, as illustrated by Mulukī Ain 1.1., quoted in note 7 above. []

10. While A. Michaels holds that the practice can be traced back at least to the 19th century and deals with the popularization of feeding ascetics on Mahāśivarātri under Rāṇā rule at Kālamocanaghāṭa and other locations at the Bagmati (see also K_0230_0035), the present inscription shows that the practice goes back at least to the middle of the 17th century. Whether Bhīma Malla's is the first endowment of its kind still needs to be investigated. At least for the practice of feeding Jogīs at the Kaṣṭamaṇḍapa on the 14th of the dark fortnight of Āṣāḍha, another śivarātri day, there is earlier evidence (see C. Zotter forthcoming, K_00055_0001). []

11. PN_0002_0006; for transcriptions, see Taṇḍana VS 2041: 29–30 and Ṭaṇḍana 1999: 165–166; for a copy together with a Nepali translation, see PN_0008_0018. []

12. For a transcription, see Regmi 1966: 79–80. []

13. To dedicate votive liṅgas is the earliest Śaiva religious practice attested in Nepalese inscriptions, from the fifth century onwards (Mirnig 2016). Already in 496 CE Guṇavatī, a wife of King Mānadeva established a liṅga in the name of her deceased father (ibid.: 319). To name a liṅga after its patron is also attested early on, someone named Jayalambha having set up a liṅga named Jayeśvara in the Paśupatinātha temple compound in 491CE (ibid.: 324). The first clear testimony for the practice to name the shrine after a deceased person is the liṅga Anuparameśvara set up by his wife on the occasion of Anuparama's death (ibid.: 325–326), but N. Mirnig (personal communication, 29 September 2021) assumes that among the early votive liṅgas there may be other examples of such post-mortem dedications, even if not explicitly stated. For later Nepalese examples of votive liṅgas reflecting the name of the donor or of a deceased person in whose memory it was set up, see Michaels 1994: 71–77. For the pan-Indian convention to name liṅga shrines by adding -īśvara to the patron's name, see Sanderson 2003–2004: 415 n. 250. []

14. His name in the present inscription and his and his father's in the stone slab inscription in Yaṭakhā Ṭola have this addition. []