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A copy of a report of the Sino-Nepalese war of 1792 (VS 1850)

ID: E_2730_0028


Edited and translated by Axel Michaels in collaboration with Manik Bajracharya, Pabitra Bajracharya and Rajan Khatiwoda
Created: 2021-04-13; Last modified: 2024-06-12
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Published by Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities: Documents on the History of Religion and Law of Pre-modern Nepal, Heidelberg, Germany, 2023. Published by the courtesy of the National Archives, Kathmandu. The copyright of the facsimile remains with the Nepal Rashtriya Abhilekhalaya (National Archives, Government of Nepal). All use of the digital facsimiles requires prior written permission by the copyright holder. See Terms of Use.
The accompanying edition, translation/synopsis and/or commentary are available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License CCby-SA.

Abstract



Diplomatic edition

[1r]

1

1

1१८४६­सालदेषि­१८४९­साल­तक्‌­भोट्‌­मु
2लुक्‌सँग­र­चिनका­उजिरसँग­लडाई­भै­स
3लुक्‌­भय़ाको­विहोराको­किताप्‌­धैवुंको­१­

[2r]

1⟪१­⟫

1सम्वत्‌­१८५०­साल­मिति­∙वैसाष­सुदि­१०­रोज­∙का­दिन्‌­∙कपतान्‌­∙किरिक­पात∙
2रिक्‌­
साहेव­वाहादुर­सौकातजरङ्गको­मार्फत्‌­∙कलकत्ताका­∙कौसलीया­साहे[?]हरु
3का­हजुरमा­रवाना­गर्‍याको­तल­लेषिया­वमोजिम्‌∙को­कैफियत्‌को­नकल्‌­¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯
4सम्वत्‌­१८४६­सालदेषि­सम्वत्‌­१८४९­तक्‌­∙चिनको­इलाका­∙भोट्‌­मुलुकसंग­र­∙चि
5नका­उजिर∙संग­∙पहिले­लडाइ­भै­∙वाहापछि­फेरि­चिनका­वादसाहका­र­∙महाराजा­रण­
6वाहादुर­साह­वाहादुर­सम्सेर­जङ्गको­
सलुक्‌­भयाको­मोफ्‌सल्‌­कैफियेत्‌­∙¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯
7अघि­नेपालका­∙राजाको­र­∙भोट्‌का­राजाको­२­तर्फको­∙दोस्ति­थियो­∙नेपालको­निषरा­∙म
8हिन्द्र­मल्लिको­ट्क्‌को­चलन्‌­∙भोटमा­थियो­व़ाहा­पछि­केहि­दिन्‌∙सम्म­नेपालका­राजा­
9जयप्रकास­मल्ल­∙र­∙भादगाउका­राजा­∙रंजीत्‌­मल्लका­पालामा­∙महिन्द्रमलीमा­∙तावा­
10मिलाइ­∙षोटो­महिन्द्रमलीको­टक्‌­मारि­∙भोट्‌मा­चलायाको­थिया­जव­नेपाल­∙गोर्षा­∙म
11हाराजको­अधिन्‌­भयो­∙षोटो­महिन्द्रमलिको­टक्‌­उडाइ­भोट्‌संग­∙चिठिपत्रको­आव़त्‌जा
12व़त्‌­र­∙दोस्ति­गरि­अघि­पनि­∙नेपाल्या­राजाको­निषरा­∙महिन्द्रमलिको­चलन्‌­∙भोट्‌मा­थि
13यो­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजको­पनी­∙निषरा­महिन्द्रमलिको­चलन्‌­चल्दथ्यो­∙अव­पनि­गोर्षा­∙माहा
14राजको­निषरा­महिन्द्रमलीको­टक्‌­भयाको­छ­∙षोटो­चलन­चलाउनु­∙वढिया­छैन्‌­∙गोर्षा­म
15हाराजवाट­∙नीषरा­टक्‌को­महिन्द्रमलि­∙पठाइदिंछु­∙भोट्‌­मुलुकमा­चलाइदिनु­भनि­आ
16फ्नु­मानिस्‌­पठाउदा­∙भोट्‌का­मानिस्‌हरुले­∙भोट्‌को­मुलुकमा­∙षोटो­महिन्द्रमलि­धेर­छन्‌­∙
17त्यो­षारिज­गर्नामा­ठुलो­नोक्सान­हुंछ­∙निषरा­महिन्द्रमलि­चलाउनाको­हामिलाई­कवोल­

[2v]

1⟪२­⟫

1छैन्‌­जाहावाट­∙पनि­षोटो­महिन्द्रमलिको­टक्‌­मारि­∙पठाइदिनु­भनि­गोर्षाको­माहाराज∙
2लाइ­[?]पठाया­∙यस्तै­सव़ालजवाफ्‌मा­९।१०­वर्ष­वित्यो­२­तर्फका­जिद्दिले­कुरो­[?]भार­
3हुन­जादा­∙षोटो­महिन्द्रमलिलाई­षारिज­गर्न­सक्‌दैनौ­भन्छौ­ता­नि[?]रालाई­निषरा­षोटो­
4महिन्द्रमलिलाई­∙षोटो­गरि­चलाउनु­∙मुनासिव­छ­∙जस्तो­अघिदेषि­∙नेपालवाट­सौदा­गरि­1
5वेपारिहरुले­जिनिस­र­∙मालहरु­भोट्‌मा­लैजान्‌थ्या­∙भोट्‌बाट­नेपाल्‌मा­ल्याउदथ्या­∙अैल्हे­प
6नी­सोहि­अघिका­दस्तुर­∙माफिक्‌­काम­गर्नु­भंन्या­अर्को­सव़ाल्‌­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­व़कील्‌ले­भो
7ट्‌का­मानिस्‌∙हरु­छैउ­गरि­∙पठाउदा­भोट्‌का­मानीस्‌हरुले­∙येस्कुराको­कवुल्‌­नगरिकन­नि∙
8षरा­महिन्द्रमलिलाई­∙षोटाको­वरावर­भोट्‌मा­चलाया­३।४­वर्षसंम्म­२­तर्फका­माहाजन्‌∙
9हरूका­आउन्या­जान्या­वाटो­पनि­∙वन्ध­गर्नाले­∙गोर्षामाहाराजको­टक्‌­माकुफ्‌­भयो­∙यस्तो­2
10हुदा­पनि­गोर्षा­माहाराजले­∙भोट्यालाई­आफ्नु­दोस्त­जानी­∙यस्कुराको­वन्दोवस्तलाई­
11आफ्‌ना­तर्फको­भला­मानीस्‌∙हरु­सिव़ानामा­पठाईदेउ­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजका­तर्फवाट­पनी­∙
12आउन्या­छन्‌­∙यो­वन्दोवस्त­हुनाले­२­तर्फलाई­वढिया­छन्‌­तर­२­तरफ्‌का­वेपारिहरु­षरा
13व­हुन्या­छन्­∙भनी­जोग्यसित­∙भोट्‌का­मानिस्‌लाई­∙भनि­पठाउदा­पनी­∙भोट्याहरुले­∙यस्कु
14रामा­चित्त­नलाई­∙वन्दोवस्त­निमित्त­∙भला­मानिस्‌हरु­सिवाऩामा­पठाई­दियेनन्‌­तिगरिको­
15मैदान्‌∙मा­बाटो­वनाइ­∙सक्याको­छु­२­सिवानाका­विचमा­∙किल्ला­पनि­तयार­गर्दछु­१२५०००­
16फोज­पनि­ज्मा­गर्‍याँ­लडाई∙को­मन्सुव़ा­छ­भन्या­आउ­भनि­∙भोट्याहरुले­गोर्षाका­महाराज
17लाइ­भनि­पठाया­जव­∙भोट्याहरुले­वन्दोवस्त­नगरि­साफ्‌­जवाप्‌­∙गरि­लडाञी­गर्नामा­तया∙
18र­∙भया­तव­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजले­∙भोट्‌­भन्याको­चिन्‌­∙वादसाहको­∙अम्वल­हो­भंन्या­वुझी­∙लडा
19इ­गर्नाको­मुनासिव­नजानि­∙भोट्याहरुले­वन्दोवस्त­गर्नाको­कव़ोल्‌­∙नगरि­लडाई­∙गर्न­त
20यार­∙भयाको­वेहोराको­अर्जि­∙चिन्‌­वादसाहका­हजूरमा­र­∙ल्हासाका­∙अम्वा­ठानादार­∙डिग­

[3r]

1⟪३­⟫

1र्चाको­र­∙साँष्याको­लामाजीहरुका­नाउमा­∙चिठि­लेषि­आफ्‌ना­मानिस्‌­∙स्मेत्‌­गोर्षा­[?]हारा
2जले­ल्हासामा­रवाना­गर्‍या­∙ल्हासामा­अर्जि­र­चिठिहरु­पुग्या­पछि­∙अर्जि­चिन­वादसा[?]का­
3हजूरमा­नप⟪ठा⟫ई­नेपालै­तरफ्‌­∙फिर्ता­गरि­पठाया­∙उस­वषत्‌∙मा­∙गोर्षाका­महाराज­3 पनि­
4लडाई­∙गर्नाको­मन्सुवा>­[?]तर­∙तिमिहरुलाई­∙यो­प्रसन्न­छैन­लडाई[?]­4 मन्सुवा­
5छ­भन्या­वेस­हो­∙म­पनि­आफ्‌ना­फौज­पठाई­∙दिंछु­भनी­भोट्याहरुलाई­[?]व­दी­पठा
6ई­आफ्‌ना­फौज­∙भोट्‌मा­पठाई­∙उसै­फौजले­लडाई­∙गरी­∙सिकारजङ्‌संम्म­5 पुग्यो­तर­
7सिकारजङ्‌­6 कठिनको­जगा­हुनाले­:सिकारजङ्‌लाइ­7 फौजले­१­महिनासम्म­घेरा­दी­
8राष्याको­थियो­उसै­भित्रमा­8 सिकारजङ्‌को­9 मदत्‌­निमित्‌­३।४­फेरा­सव़ार­प्या
9दा­∙भोट्याहरु­लडाईको­सराजाम्‌­∙तोप­गैह्र­∙साथमा­ली­आयाथ्या­∙तर­इश्वरका­कृ
10पाले­∙उन्हे⟪रु⟫लाइ­पनी­∙गोर्षा­महाराजाका­फौजले­हटाइ­दियो­∙व़ाहा­पछि­∙भला­आ
11दमी­∙टेसु­लामाजी­डिगर्चाको­र­∙साँष्याको­लामाजीहरुले­गोर्षा­∙माहाराजका­फौजमा­
12गै­२­तरफ्‌को­मिलाप­∙गराई­दिंछौ­लडाई∙मा­कुप­गर­भनि­भन्दा­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­
13फौजका­मालीकले­∙अघि­भोट्‌का­मानिस्‌हरुसित­∙मिलाप­गर्नु­∙षोज्याको­हो­∙कवु⟪ल⟫­नग
14र्दा­∙फौज­स्मेत्‌­ञाहासम्म­पुग्याका­हुं­∙कदाचित्‌­तिमि­मध्येस्थ­भै­∙सलुक­गराउछौँ­
15भन्या­∙ल्हासाका­काजिलाई­∙भला­आदमीहरु­स्मेत्‌­∙केरुं­र­∙कुतिमा­डाकि­पठाय़ा­२­
16तरफ्‌का­भला­मानिस्‌­येकट्टा­भै­∙वसी­वन्दोवस्त­गरौँला­भनी­∙टेसु­लामाजीलाई­∙भंदा­
17येस्कुरामा­ती­लामाहरु­राजी­भया­तसर्थ­∙गोर्षा­महाराजको­फौज­सिकारजङ्वाट­10
18फिरि­केरुं­कुति­झुंगा­फलावाङ्‌मा­आई­वस्यो­∙यो­सवै­विस्तार­∙चिनका­वादसाले11 ­
19सुन्दा­∙फौजका­∙सर्दार­∙चान्‌∙चुन्‌12 ­∙२\४­अम्वा­र­∙धेरै­फौज­∙साथ­ली­ल्हासामा­आया­∙
20तव­ल्हासाको­पुतला­∙लामाजी­∙डिगर्चाको­र­∙सांष्याको­लामाजीहरुले­∙हामिहरु­∙

[3v]

1⟪४­⟫

1⟪२­⟫

1का­तरफवाट­कसुर­भयाको­हो­अैल्हे­∙गोर्षा­महाराजसंग­∙सलूकको­कुराकाहानी­∙
2भैरह्येछ­∙आफ्‌ना­भला­आदमीहरुलाई­वन्दोवस्त­निमित्त­∙केरुं­पठाउछौं­∙वन्दोवस्त­∙
3नभैयासम्म­तपाई­∙येहि­मुकाम्‌­गर्नु­हव़स्‌­भनी­∙फौजका­सर्दार­∙चान्‌चुन्‌लाई­भंदा­∙
4चाडै­वन्दोवस्त­गर्नु­भनी­चान्‌चुन्‌∙ले­भन्या­र­∙भला­मानिस्‌∙हरु­डि⟪ग⟫र्चाको­टेसू­लामा
5जीको­वावु­र­∙सांष्याको­लामाजी­अरु­३­जना­∙भला­मानीस्‌­ल्हा⟪सा⟫को­वडाकाजि­धुरि
6न्‌­देवुक्‌­
षंजाचि13 ­पुताला­∙लामाजिको­चेला­अरु­९।१०­जना­∙भला­⟪मा⟫नीस्‌∙हरु­केरुं
7मा­∙आया­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­तरफवाट­∙पनि­सामर्पा­लामाजी14 ­कप्तान्‌­वम्‌साह15 ­टक्सा
8रि­हरिहर­उपाध्या­नरसिं­साहि­अरु­४।५­भला­आदमीलाई­केरुं­पठाया­∙उस­वषत्‌मा­
9फौजको­सर्दार­∙चान्‌चुन्‌­पनि­∙सिकार्जुंमा16 ­आया­२­तरफका­भला­आदमीहरु­वसी­
10सव़ालजावाव­हुन­लाग्दा­अघि­वन्दोवस्त­गर्दा­∙भोट्याहरुले­∙अर्को­तरह­गरि­सेषिको­∙
11कुरा­गर्‍या­र­गोर्षा­माहाराजको­फौज­ञाहासम्म­पुग्याका­हो­८।१०­सालसम्म­भोट्‌को­
12वाटो­वन्द­हुनाले­∙टक्सार­सायेर­पनि­माकुफ­भयो­यो­माकुफ­हुनाले­∙दुवै़­काम्‌मा­
13लाषौ­रुपैया­षर्च­र­नोक्सान्‌­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजको­भयाको­छ­∙यो­रुपैयाको­पत्ता­लगाइ­
14दी­∙वन्दोवस्त­∙गर­भनि­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­वकीलले­भन्या­∙येस्‌­सव़ालजवापमा­∙भोट्याह
15रु­∙कायेल­भई­२­तरफका­तक्रार∙मा­∙तिमिहरुको­धेरै­रुपैया­∙षर्च­भयाको­∙पत्ता­∙
16लाईदिनु­सक्तैनौ­∙भन्दा­∙तिमि­तिनै­लामाजीहरु­मध्ये⟪स्त⟫­भै­∙वन्दोवस्त­गरिदेउ­∙हाम्रा­क
17सूर­∙हो­भन्या­जति­रुपैया­ल्हासाको­∙नोक्सान्‌­∙र­∙षर्च­भयाको­छ­∙हामि­पत्ता­लाउ
18छौ­∙ल्हासाको­∙कसूर­हो­भन्या­हाम्रा­रुपैयाको­पत्ता­लाईदिनु­∙भनि­∙गोर्षा­माहाराज∙
19का­व़किलले­सांष्या­र­डिगर्चा∙को­लामाजी­सामरपा­लामाजीलाई­∙भन्या­∙यस्तै­कुरा­

[4r]

1⟪५­⟫

1काहानि­हुदा­लामाहरुले­ल्हासाको17 ­कसूर­∙हो­भनि­तजविज­गर्‍या­∙ल्हासाव़ाला[?]­सव़ा
2लजवाफ्‌मा­कायेल­भई­∙येतिका­रुपैया­पत्ता­∙लाईदिनु­सक्तैनौ­∙केहि­छेमा­गरि
3दिया­∙अवस्य­पत्ताई­∙दिउला­भन्दा­जति­रुपैया­हाम्रा­षर्च­र­नोक्सान­भयाको­छ­
4तेस्को­पत्ता⟪ला⟫ई­∙दिन­सकदैनौ­भन्छौ­भन्या­५००००००­रुपैया­देउ­र­पु[?]­सिवाना­का
5[?]­रहला­येति­गर्नु­सक्तैनौ­भन्या­लगुल्‌18 ­देषि­दक्षिण­जती­नञा­मुलुक­∙हाम्रो­हात­
6लाग्याका­छन्‌­∙हामिलाई­∙छाडिदेउ­∙यो­पनि­गर्दैनौ­भन्या­सालवसाल­१०००००­रु
7पैया­देउ­∙भनि­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­वकिल्‌∙ले­भंन्दा­ल्हासाव़ालाले­१­कुरा­पनि­कवो
8ल्‌­गर्‍येन्‌­:फौजको­मालिक्‌­चान्‌चुन्‌ले­२­अम्वा­मुताजिन्‌­र­टाङ्ग­ताजीन्‌लाई­सि
9पाहिहरु­स्मेत्‌­∙केरुंमा­पठाई∙दिया­ति­दुवै़­अम्वा­केरुंमा­पुगी­∙दुवै़तर्फ∙को­मामीला­
10सोधी­धेरै­सव़ालजवाप्‌­गरि­∙दोश्रो­दिनमा­ल्हासाव़ालाको­कसूर­∙तजविज­गरि­
11हप्‌काऊंदा­ल्हासाव़ालाले­५००००­रुपैया­गोर्षा­∙माहाराजलाई­∙सालवसाल­दिना
12को­कवोल्‌­गर्‍यो­र­∙ति­अम्वाहरुले­देवताहरुलाई­∙साछि­राषि­कवुलियेत्‌को­धर्मप
13त्र­२­तरफवाट­लेषपढ्‌­गराई­दिया­धर्मपत्र­लेषपढ्‌­भयापछि­फौजका­माली
14क्‌­चान्‌चुन्‌का­तरफ∙वाट­आउन्या­∙ति­दुवै़­अम्वाले­२­तर्फको­सलुक्‌­गराई­∙ल्हासा­
15फर्कि­गया­व़ाहा­पछि­ल्हासाका­काजी­र­डिगर्चा­सांष्याको­लामाजीका­तर्फका­मानि
16स्‌हरुले­पहिला­साल­कवुलियेत्‌∙मा­लेष्याको­वमोजिम्‌­५००००­रुपैया­∙गोर्षा­
17माहाराजका­षजानामा­दाषिल्‌­गरि­ति­रुपैयाको­रसिद­ली­ल्हासामा­फर्कि­गया­
18गोर्षा­माहाराजका­भारादारहरुले­पनि­आफ्‌ना­हात­लाग्याका­केरु­कुति­झुंगा­फला‌
19क्‌­
मल्षालाई19 ­∙छोडी­दी­सानु­अम्व20 ­र­फौज­धरमपत्रको­कागज­ली­नेपाल­

[4v]

1[...]

1मा­आईपुग्या­∙ति­साना­अम्वाका­साथ­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­तर्फवाट­वादसा
2हलाई­अर्जि­र­नजर­तोहफा­स्मेत्‌­∙हरि­वकिल्‌­१­बलभद्र­षव़ास­१­अरु­२०।२५­
3मानिस्‌लाई­पेचिन्‌21 ­∙सहर­तिर­पठाई∙दिया­तिनै­वकिल­र­सानु­अम्वा­डिग
4र्चा­पुग्या­पछि­व़ाहावाट­फौजका­मालिक्‌­चान्‌चुन्‌ले­आफ्ना­तर्फवाट­येक्‌­
5जना­अम्वा­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­व़किल्‌का­साथ­गरि­∙वादसाहका­हजूरमा­र
6व़ाना­गरि­पठाया­∙६­∙महिनामा­ति­व़किल्‌­∙पेचिन्‌22 ­सहरमा­पुगि­वादसाह
7का­दर्सन­गरि23 ­४५­दिनसम्म­तहि­सहरमा­रहि­∙सवैज्मा­१५­फेरा­वादसाह
8को­दर्सन­पाई­∙४५­दिन­पछि­व़किल्‌­र­∙उनका­साथका­मानिस्‌∙हरुले­वा
9दसाहका­तर्फवाट­∙भारि­षिलत्‌­∙पाय़ा­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­निमित्त­∙पनि­म
10र्तवा­∙षितापको­पर्वाना­र­∙भारि­∙षिलतहरु­वक्‌सिस्‌­गर्‍या­र­आफ्ना­साथ­
11भै­जान्या­आम्वा­स्मेत्‌­∙वकिल्‌­१४­महिनामा­नेपाल्‌­आईपुग्या­३­वर्षप
12छि­∙ल्हासाको­मुतसद्दि24 ­∙चिन्‌­देवुक­भंन्या­नेपालमा­आई­म­सालवसा
13ल­नालवन्दि­५००००­रुपैया­दिन­सक्तिन­माफ्‌>­गरिदेउ­भनि­गोर्षा­मा
14हाराजसित­जाहेर­∙गर्दा­गोर्षा­माहाराजवाट­२­तर्फका­षुसिराजि­सित­ध
15र्मपत्र­भै­लेषपढ्‌­भयाकोलाई­झुट्टा­गर्न­∙सक्‌तिन­माफ्‌­माग्‌छौ­भन्या­प
16हिले­२­सालको­वाँकि­१०००००­रुपैया­कोपठाईदेउ­व़ाहा­पछि­विन्ति
17गोचर ­∙गर­भनि­जवाप्‌­∙दिदा­तेस­मुतसंद्दिले­२­सालको­वाकि­वावत्‌का­रु
18पैया­दिनाको­कवुल­गरेन्‌­मुतसंद्दि­वाहिरको­भन्या­मिलाफ्‌25 ­गर्न्या­भित्रको­
19भन्या­फरेवि­थियो­तेसले­यो­फसाद­उठ्याको26 ­सामर्पा­लामाको­गर्नाले­हो­

[5r]

1⟪७­⟫

1येस्‌­लामालाइ­कुनै­जुक्तिले­पनि­सिवानामा­लगि­सिवानावाट­पक्रि­ल्हासा­लैजाउ27 ­[?]
2न्या­तजविज­गरि­भित्रभित्रैवाट­धुरैन्‌­काजि­अैतु­काजि­सर्दार­च्यागंलोचन्‌­छस
3क्‌­लामा­
गैह्र­ल्हासाका­भारादार∙लाई­फौज­स्मेत्‌­∙सिवानामा­झिकाई­∙सामर्पा­ला
4मा­र­आफ्‌ना­भारादारहरुलाई­सिव़ाना­पठाईदिनु­ल्हासावाट­पनि­का[?]­[?]
5दारहरु­आउन्या­छन्‌­∙तिन्हेरु­आपुस्‌मा­वसि­मामिलाको­वन्दोवस्त­गर्न्या­छन्‌­∙
6भंन्या­कुरा­सोहि­मुतसद्दिले­28 गोर्षा­माहाराजासित­गर्‍यो­येक­महिना­अघि­नै­सा
7मर्पा­लामा­र­मुतसद्दि­29 चिन्‌­देवुक­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­अम्वल­लिस्ति­भंन्या­[?]⟪जगामा­⟫
8गै­वस्याका­थिया­इश्वरका­गर्नाले­त्यो­मुतसंद्दि­30 तहि­मर्‍यो­त्यो­मर्‍यापछि­उस्को­भा
9ई­आई­सोहि­जगामा­वस्यो­गोर्षा­माहाराजवाट­मुतसंद्दिले­31 ⟪भन्या⟫­वमोजिम्‌­कपता
10न्‌­∙वम्‌­साह­काजि­दामोदर­∙पाडे­टक्सारि­नरसिं­सर्दार­∙पर्व़ल्‌­32 राना­सुवा­33 भार
11थहरुलाई­34 ∙कुति­पठाई∙दिया­ल्हासावाट­पनि­धुरैन­काजि­अैतु­काजि­सर्दा
12र­∙च्यागंलोचन्­∙छसक­लामा­डिगर्चा­सांष्याको­भला­आदमि­गैह्र­कुतिमा­आ
13या­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­भारादार∙हरुले­सामर्पा­लामालाइ­∙लिस्तिवाट­साथ
14मा­ली­∙कुतिको­नजिक­छुसां­जगामा­पुग्दा­ल्हासाका­भारादार∙हरुले∙­
15मामिलाको­वन्दोवस्त­निमित्त­∙हामिलाई­∙डाकि­पठायाको­होइन­सा
16मर्पा­लामालाई­∙पक्रना­निमित्त­∙यो­जाल­वाधि­इन्हेरु­∙आया⟪का⟫­हुन्‌­∙भंन्या­
17निश्चये­वुझि­गोर्षा­माहाज∙का­भारा∙दार∙हरुले­∙सामर्पा­लामालाई­आ
18फुसंग­राषि­सिपाहिहरु­स्मेत्‌­२­सुवेदार­∙र­सुवा­१­लाई­कुतिमा­पठाईदिया­

[5v]

1[...]

1सुवेदारहरुले­सोहि­जगामा­पुगी­धुरिन­काजि­गैह्र­ल्हासाका­भारादारहरु
2लाई­∙घेरा­दि­तिमिहरु­मामिलाका­वन्दोवस्त­गर्नालाई­आयाका­होइनौ­तिमि
3हरु­सामर्पा­लामालाई­∙पक्रनाको­मनसुव़ा­राष⟪द⟫छौ­भनि­धुरिन­काजि­अैतु­काजि­स
4∙र्दार­च्याग­लोचन्‌­∙छासक्‌­लामाहरुलाई­∙पक्रि­सिपाहिहरुका­साथ­सामर्पा­∙ला
5मा­स्मेत्‌­नेपालमा­पठाई­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजका­भारादार∙हरुले­फौजका­सा∙
6थ­∙डिगर्चा­तरफ­कुच­गरि­∙जादा­वाटाका­विचमा­लडाई­गर्दै­उस्तरफ्‌को­
7फौजलाई­∙हटाउदै­लगि­डिगर्चा­पुग्या­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­फौज­नपुग्दै­१५­दि
8न­अघि­छ्यांजु­लामा­टेसु­लामाजि­डिगर्चा­वस्न्या­चिनिञाहरुका­साथ­डि
9गर्चावाट­ल्हासा­रवाना­भयाका­थिया­गुंवाको­निगहवानि35 ­निमित्त­३०००­
10जति­चेला­लामाहरुसंग­धर्मपत्रमा­लेष्या­वमोजिम्‌­∙३­साल­मध्ये­१­साल
11को­मात्र­५००००­रुपैय़ा­ल्हासावाट­∙दाषिल­भयो­वाकि­१०००००­रुपैय़ा­पुर्‍या
12येन­∙धर्मपत्र­लेष्या­वमोजिम्‌­∙काम­गरिन36 ­येस्‌­कारनले­५००­धार्नि­सुन­ला
13माहरुका­जिम्मा­चढ्छ­२­सालको­वाकि­१०००००­रुपैय़ाको­पनि­पत्ता­⟪ला⟫ई∙
14दिनुपर्छ­भनि­धर्मपत्रमा­लेषियाको­सवै­विस्तार­∙गर्दा­डिगर्चाको­मालिक्‌­
15लामाहरु­∙डिगर्चावाट­उठि­ल्हासा­गया­∙हामिहरुले­सुन­दिनाका­मक्‌दूर­
16छैन­∙रुपैय़ाको­पत्ता­⟪ला⟫ई ∙दिन­पनि­सक्तैनौ­गुंवा­हाजिर­छ­∙मन­पर्‍याको­गर­∙भनि­
17चेलाहरुले­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­भारादार∙हरुलाई­∙भन्दा­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­
18भारादार∙हरु­१५­दिनसम्म­डिगर्चामा­मुकाम्‌­गरि­∙जो­पायाको­नगद­जि
19निस्‌­∙माल­असवाव्‌­जफ्‌त­गरि­∙वाहावाट­येस्तरफ­कूंच­गर्‍या­वाटाका­

[6r]

1⟪९­⟫

1विचमा­अघिजस्तै­लडाई­गर्दै­उस्तरफ्‌को­फौजलाई­∙हटाउदै­आऊंदथ्या­गोर्षा­
2माहाराजका­फौज­षारताल­लंगुर­पाहाड्‌मा­आईपुगदा­हिउ­पर्नाले­सिपा
3हिहरु­हिउमा­दुव्याका­र­∙विफरले­र­अनाज­रसद­नपुगनाले­मर्‍याका­[?]
4वै­ज्मा­२०००­जति­सिपाहि∙हरु­मर्‍या­अरु­वाँकि­रह्याका­गोर्षा­माहाराज
5का­भारादार­∙सिपाहिहरु­७­महिना­∙वित्या­पछि­नेपालमा­आई­पु[?]­[?]हा­प
6छि­सम्वत्‌­१८४८­सालको­मंसिर­महिनामा­चिन­वादसाहका­हजूरवाट­फौज
7को­मालिक्‌­चान्‌चुन्‌­ल्हासामा­पुगि­आफु­चान्‌चुन्‌ले­कुन­मामिलामा­ल्हासाका­
8भारादार­∙धुरिन­काजिहरुलाई37 ­∙पक्रि­डिगर्चाको­माल­असवाप्‌38 ­∙लुटि­लग्याका­
9हौ­भनि­चिठि­लेषि­पान्­∙चूँया­अम्वा­[?]लाई­∙नेपालमा­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­
10हजूरमा­पठाई­∙दिंदा­केरुंमा­२­तरफका­भला­आदमि­वसि­षुसिराजिसित­धर्म∙
11पत्र­लेषपढ­भयाको­हो­सो­वमोजिम्‌­∙१­सालको­५००००­रुपैय़ा­ल्हासावाट­∙दि
12यो­२­सालको­१०००००­रुपैया­वाकि­रहनाले­येस्को­वन्दोवस्त­र­∙सोहि­रुपै
13य़ा­∙पाउनालाई­∙सामर्पा­लामा­[?]⟪र­⟫आफ्ना­भारादार∙हरुलाई­∙केरुं­पठाई∙दिया
14थ्याँ­∙उन्हेहरुले­हाम्रा­वाकि­रुपैय़ा­∙दिनाको­वन्दोवस्तमा­चित्त­नलाइ­∙साम
15र्पा­लामा­र­∙हाम्रा­भारादार∙हरुलाई­∙दागा39 ­गरि­∙पक्रन­षोज्या­र­∙जव­ल्हासाव़ा
16लाले­यो­दागाको40 ­मन्सुव़ा­गर्‍याको­हाम्रा­भारादार∙हरुले­थाहा­पाया­धुरिन­का
17जि­गैह्र­∙ल्हासाका­भारादार∙हरुलाई­∙पक्रि­ल्याया­केरुंमा­अघि­टेसु­लामा­गै
18ह्र­जामिन्‌41 ­भै­∙२­तरफको­वन्दोवस्त­भया­वमोजिम्‌∙का­२­सालको­रुपैय़ा­
19वाँकि­हुनाले­डिगर्चाको­माल­असवाप्‌­42 ∙जफद­गरि­∙ल्यायाको­हो­तिमि­चि
20न­वादसाहका­हजूर∙का­ठुला­सर्दार∙मा­हौ­२­तरफवाट­लेषपढ्‌­भयाको­धर्म­

[6v]

1⟪१०­⟫

1पत्र­मौजुद­छ­मेरो­कसूर­∙हो­कि­ल्हासावालाको­कसूर­हो­वेस­गरी­विचार­गर्न­43
2भंन्या­कुराको­चिठि­लेषि­गोर्षा­माहाराजले­आफ्ना­मानिस्‌लाई­अनौठा­तो
3फा­दि­तेसै­चान्‌चुन्‌को­अम्वाको­साथ­ल्हासामा­पठाई­दिदा­फौजको­मालिक्‌­
4वडा­चान्‌चुन्‌ले­येस्कुराको­तजविज­नगरि­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजका­मानिस्‌लाई­∙
5कैद­गरि­लडाई­∙निमित्त­लडाईको­सराजाम्‌­∙तोप­गैह्र­ली­येस्तरफ्‌
6को­मन्सुवा­गर्‍या­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­तरफ्‌का­थानेदार­∙इभाकक्स­44 सुवेदा
7र­थोरै­फौज­ली­कुतिमा­वस्याको­थियो­२­तरफ्‌का­फौजले­लडाई­∙भिड्‌न­
8गयो­र­∙यो­लडाई­∙भयाको­कुरा­सुनि­गोर्षा­महाराजवाट­∙मद्दत्‌लाई­∙फौज­∙
9पठाया­लिस्ति­भन्दा­उता­षासा­भन्या­जगा­अघिदेषिको­गोर्षा­माहाराजाको­
10अमल्‌­हो­व़ाहा­मद्दत्‌­निमित्त­गयाको­फौज­पुग्याको­थियो­व़ाहा⟪वा⟫ट­२­वास­ऊ
11ता­कुति­थियो­फौजले­व़ाहा­जानाको­मन्सुव़ा­गर्दा­यक्कासि­हिउ­पर्न­लागेर­फौज­
12वढि­जानसकेन­∙हिउ­र∙ह्यासम्म­गोर्षाको­फौजले­∙उता­वढि­जान­सकन्या­छैनौं­भं
13न्या­देष्यो­चिनको­फौज­पनि­यस्­तरफ्‌­आउन­सकन्या­छैन­∙भंन्या­देष्यो­हिउ­सकि
14या­पछि­सिगातको­इलाका­छेंदूक­45 सहर∙को­सुवा­46 र­∙फौजको­मालिक्‌­चान्‌
15चुन्‌­∙१५।१६­∙हजार­∙जति­फौज­ली­षासाको­नजिक्‌मा­आई∙पुग्दा­२­तरफको­ल
16डाई­∙जोरिया­चिनको­फौजले­अघि­कुतिमा­धेरै­पल्ट­आई∙लाग्याथ्यो­तर­चिन्‌
17को­फौजको­केहि­नचल्दा­∙उस­वषत्‌मा­∙तोपहरुका­∙गोलाले­आजिज­47 गरि­
18सोहि­∙सुवेदार∙लाई­∙र­∙सिपाहि∙हरु­गैह्रलाई­∙मारि­∙कुतिको­किल्ला­आ
19फ्‌ना­कवुजामा­48 ल्याया­लडाई­जोरिंदा­गोर्षा­माहाराजको­फौजको­चौपव़ा
20ला­49 र­∙तोडेदार­∙वंदूक­थियो­∙उस­वषत्‌मा­वारुदषानामा­आगो­लाग्दा­

[7r]

1⟪११­⟫

1लडाई∙को­षजाना­वारुद­हो­गोर्षा­माहाराजको­सवै­वारुद­र­∙सिपाहि­स्मेत्‌­जल्दा­
2लडाई­∙नजोरि­∙पछि­हटि­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­फौज­लिस्ति­जगामा­फिरि­आ∙
3या­∙फौजको­मालिक्‌­चान्‌चुन्‌ले­येस्­तरफ्‌का­मन्सुवा­राषि­रहेछ­भंन्या­षवर­सु
4नि­फेरि­गोर्षा­माहाराजवाट­मद्दत्‌लाइ­फौज­पठाया­लिस्ति­भंन्या­जगा[?]­50
5[?]यो­तुल्याया­∙केहि­दिन­पछि­चान्‌चुन्‌­फौज­र­∙तोप­स्मेत्‌­लिस्तिमा­
6आईपुग्या­ताहा­२­तरफको­लडाई­∙जोरिन्दा­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­फौजले­
7तोडेदार­र­[?]वन्दुकहरुले­लडाई­गरि­∙चिनको­फौजलाई­हटा
8या­रिसालाको­सर्दार­∙अम्वा­र­चिनको­फौजका­सिपाहिहरु­∙मारिया­र­
9चिनको­फौजले­४­कोस­टाढा­गै­मकाम्‌­गर्‍या­फेरि­दोश्रा­फेरा­चिनको­
10फौजले­लिस्तिमा­लडाई­∙गर्नाको­मनसुवा­गर्न­सकेन­गोर्षा­माहामाहा
11राजका­फौजले­पनि­चिन­वादसाह∙को­फौज­जानि­पछेटा­लाग्‌नाको­∙मु
12नासिव­देषेन­∙जउन्‌­52 ∙चिनको­फौज­लिस्ति­तरफ्‌­थियो­∙गर्मिका­याम्‌­∙
13हुनाले­र­∙रसद­अनाज­∙नपुग्‌नाले­∙धेरै­दुषन्या­र­∙षान­नपाई­∙लाचा
14र­हुन्या­भया­धेरै­दिन्‌∙देषिन्‌को­पुरानु­∙रसदको­अनाज­षान­∙नहु∙
15न्या­∙थोरो­वहुत्‌­∙पुगदथ्यो­∙तापनि­∙चिनको­सिपाहिहरु­धेरै­∙म
16र्‍या­∙लिस्तिको­आसपास∙मा­रहन्या­वाँदरहरुलाई­पनि­∙चिनका­
17फौजले­∙येउटा­पनि­वाकि­नराषी­∙मारि­षाया­हाम्रा­ल्हासाव़ाला
18सित­∙तक्रार­∙भयाको­हो­∙चिन­वादसाहसँग­∙तक्रार­भयाको­होइन­

[7v]

1⟪१२­⟫

1चिन­वादसाहवाट­पठायाको­∙ठुला­सर्दार∙हरू­ल्हासामा­आयाका­53 छन्‌­
2तिन्हेरूले­अवस्य­२­तरफवाट­लेषपढ­भयाको­धर्मपत्रलाई­वुझि­
3वन्दोवस्त­गराई­दिन्या­छन्‌­भंन्या­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजको­चितमा­थियो­
4यस्तै­विचमा­वडा­उजिर­54टुंठ्वाङ्ग­भीकक्‌­सरदार­चुन्दून्‌­नाजीन्­
5वादसाहको­निसान्‌­55 ∙स्मेत्‌­∙वेहिसाप­∙फौज­ली­ल्हासामा­आइ­ल्हासा
6का­भारादार∙हरू­धुरिन्‌­56 ∙काजि­गैह्रलाई­∙पक्रि­डिगर्चाको­मालहरू­
7लुटि­लग्याको­∙तिम्रो­ठुलो­कसूरको­नालिस्‌­57 ∙चिन­वादसाहका­हजु
8र∙मा­पुग्दा­∙नेपालका­नीरवीज­र­∙नाउ­नरहन्या­गरी­∙मार्ना­र­∙वरवा
9द­गर्ना­निमित्त­धेरै­∙फौजका­साथ­∙म­∙वडा­टुंठ्वाङ्गलाइ­पठाइ ∙दिया­र­∙
10आयाको­छु­∙तिमिहरूलाई­चिनको­सलतनत्‌∙को­केहि­∙षवर­छैन­∙
11तर­भोट्‌को­१­जना­फरेवि­मानिस्‌­∙तिमिहरू­छेउ­आइ­फसाद­उ∙
12ठाउन­लागिरह्येछ­∙उसलाई­∙कैद्‌­गरि­तिमिहरूले­पक्रि­ल्यायाका­
13ल्हासाका­भारादार­∙धुरिन्‌­काजि­गैह्रलाई­∙आफ्नु­तरफ्‌का­वडा­का
14जिका­साथ­∙गरि­∙म­छेउ­पठाईदिया­∙तिम्रो­ठुलो­तक्‌सीर­माफ्‌­गरिदि
15उला­∙त्यो­∙फसादी­लामाको­वरावर­∙तौलि­सुन­पनि­∙दिउला­भनि­गोर्षा­
16माहाराजलाई­∙चिठि­लेषी­पठाउँदा­उस्को­जव़ावमा­पक्रिल्यायाका­∙
17भारादार∙हरू­धुरिन्‌­काजि­गैह्रलाई­र­∙तेस्‌­तरफ्‌का­मुलुक्‌­हामिले­क
18बुजा­गर्‍याकोलाई­∙छोडिदिंछु­हाम्रा­सरनमा­आयाको­∙सामर्पा­ला
19मालाई­∙कैद­गरि­∙पठाईदिन्या­राजाको­धर्म­होइन­भंन्या­∙गोर्षा­माहा­∙

[8r]

1⟪१३­⟫

1राजका­तरफ्‌वाट­टुंठ्वाङ्‌­58 उजीर∙लाई­59 ∙चिठि­लेषि­पठाया­∙फेरि­उस्को­जवाफ
2मा­∙सामर्पा­लामालाई­∙कैद­गरि­∙पठाइदिंछौ­भन्या­२­तरफ्‌को­दोस्ति­रहन्या­
3छ­∙होइन­भन्या­कदाचित्‌­पनि­रहन्या­छैन्‌­∙अव­उप्रान्त­∙मेरा­हजूरमा­चिठि­
4पनि­∙नलेषनु­∙भंन्या­∙साफ­जवाव­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजलाई­∙लेषि­पठाई­∙[?]
5फु­उजिर­60 ∙फौजका­साथ­∙दोश्रा­दिनमा­∙झुंगाको­वाटो­गरि­कुकुरघाट्‌को­कि
6ल्लामा­रह्याको­गोर्षा­माहाराजको­थानदार∙लाई­गाफीलीमा­आई­∙कि
7ल्लालाई­∙घेरा­दी­व़ाहावाट­केरुंतिर­∙वढ्या­∙व़ाहा­केरुंमा­पनि­गोर्षा­माहा∙
8राजको­थानदार­61 ∙फौजका­साथ­किल्लामा­तय़ार­थियो­∙सर्दार­∙सत्रुभंज
9न्‌­मल्ल­
∙फौजका­साथ­केरुंवाट­कुकुरघाट्‌∙का­मद्दत्‌लाई­∙गया­चिन
10को­फौज­∙वेहिसाप­∙वाटाका­∙विचमा­पाङ्गुसि­62 भन्याका­∙जगामा­२­तरफको­
11फौजको­मुकाविला­भै­लडाई­भयो­चिनको­फौज­ज्यादा­∙गोर्षा­माहाराज
12को­फौज­कम्‌­हुनाले­२­सुवेदार­र­सय­दुइ­सय­जना­जति­सिपाहि­ताहा­
13षेत­पर्‍या­∙सत्रुभंजन­मल्लले­∙चिन­63 फौजका­सर्दार­∙२।४­जना­∙अम्वा
14हरूलाई­∙तरव़ारले­काटि­आफुले­पनी­२।४­घाउ­षाइ­∙वाहावाट­∙हटि­के
15रुं­64 आइपुगि­∙केरुंका­किल्ला­वस्न्या­सुवा­∙फुव़र∙सित­सामिल­भया­चिन
16को­फौजले­केरुंका­किल्लालाई­घेरा­दी­६।७­दिनसम्म­२­तरफ्‌को­∙ठु
17लो­लडाई­हुदा­पनि­गोर्षा­माहाराजको­किल्लावालाले­∙किल्ला­छोडि­

[8v]

1⟪१४­⟫

1दियेन­∙तर­चिनको­फौजले­∙किल्लाका­भित्र­∙वारुद∙षानामा­रातका­वि
2चमा­आगो­लाईदिंदा­∙लडाईको­षजाना­वारुत­सवै­जल्यो­∙गोर्षा­माहाराज
3को­फौज­कम्‌­∙चिनको­फौज­वेहिसाप­हुनाले­चीनको­फौजले­∙तीनै­तरफ
4वाट­∙सोहि­किल्लालाई­∙घेरा­दीया­तापनि­∙गोर्षा­माहाराज∙को­थानादार
5ले­65 थोरै­फौजका­साथ­∙किल्लावाट­वाहिर­∙आई­∙लडाई­गर्दा­२­तरफका­
6सिपाहीहरु­षेत­पर्‍या­र­∙वाकी­रह्याका­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजका­सुवा­∙सर्दार­∙सिपा
7हि­गैह्र­व़ाहावाट­∙हटि­गोर्षा­माहाराजको­पुरानु­अमल्दारि­­रसुवा­भन्या­ज
8गामा­आया­भोलिपल्ट­चिनको­फौज­पनी­[?]जगामा­पछेटा­66 लागी­आई
9पुग्यो­∙व़ाहा­रसुव़ा­नदिको­67 पूलमा­∙दिन­३­सम्म­लडाई­हुदा­चिनको­फौजले­
10दवाउनु­नसक्‌दा­तेसै­नदिमा­अर्को­वाटो­गरि­पूल­वाँधि­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­
11फौज­माथि­∙चिनको­फौज­∙येक्कासि­आईपुग्दा­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­सर्दार­∙सुवाह
12रू­∙व़ाहा­अडन­नसकी­∙रसुव़ा­भंन्या­जगालाई­∙पनि­छाडिदिया­र­∙व़ाहावाट­
13चिनको­फौज­टिमुर्‍या­भंन्या­जगामा­∙आयो­अघि­गोर्षा­माहाराजले­केरुं
14को­किल्लामा­ठुलो­लडाई­∙हुन­लागिरह्याछ­∙भंन्या­षवर­सुनि­मद्दत्‌
15लाई­∙पठाई­दियाको­फौज­∙स्याफ्रु­भंन्या­जगामा­पुग्याको­थियो­∙उस्तर्फ
16वाट­∙चिनको­फौजले­पनि­टिमुर्‍यावाट­कुंच­गरि­आउदा­सोहि­स्याफ्रु­भ
17न्या­जगामा­२­तरफको­∙फौज­जोरिन्दा­तीन­रात­तीन­दीनसम्म­व़ाहा­तोप­
18वन्दुकको­लडाई­पर्‍यो­चिनका­फौजले­कति­गर्दा­पनि­मुल­वाटोवाट­
19आउनु­नसकी­दोश्रो­वरफान्‌­∙सित­जोरियाको­पाहाड्‌­माथिको­वाटो­गरि­

[9r]

1⟪१५­⟫

1चिनको­फौज­येकासि­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजको­फौजको­अगाडि­आईपुग्दा­गोर्षा­मा[?]
2जको­फौजले­∙तेस­जगामा­पनि­अडन­∙नसकि­छाडिदियो­गोर्षा­माहाराजले­[?]
3मद्दत­निमित्त­पठायाका­काजि­दामोदर­पाँडे­सर्दार­∙परवल­राना­∙सर्दार­भारथ­
4फौज­स्मेत्‌­धुंचे­भंन्या­जगामा­गै­वस्या⟪का⟫­थिया­व़ाहा­पनि­चिनका­फौज­पुगि­[?][?]ती
5न­दिनसम्म­तोप­वन्दुक्‌­तरोव़ार­तीरको­लडाइ­भयो­∙गोर्षा­महाराजको­∙[?][?]रन­
6नसक्या­पनि­लडाइ­गर्दै­थियो­∙उसै­स्याफ्रु­जगाको­∙नजीक­पाहाडको­माथी­वर्फानको­
7नजीक्‌को­[?]भंन्या­जगामा­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­फौज­सुवेदार­∙जगवल्‌­सुवे
8दार­∙भास्कर­∙ढलेत­∙सिपाहिहरूस्मेत्‌­∙मोर्चा­वाधि­वस्याका­थिया­व़हि­पनि­चीनको­फौ
9ज­आई­चारै­तरफ्‌वाट­∙तेस­जगालाई­∙घेरा­दिदा­पनी­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­सुवेदार∙
10हरु­तिनै­तिरवाट­∙चीनका­फौज­माथी­जाइपर्‍या­[?]र­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­फौज­मा
11थि­चौथा­तरफ्‌वाट­१०।१२­हजार­∙चिनको­फौज­आई­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजका­∙दुवै़­सु
12वेदार­∙र­सिपाहिहरुलाई­∙मारि­त्यो­जगा­पनी­आफुले­दषल्‌­गर्‍यो­∙चिनको­फौ
13ज­तरफ्‌को­१­अम्वा­मारियो­∙देउरालि­भंन्या­जगा­पाहाड∙को­माथि­छ­∙व़ाहा­चिनको­
14फौजले­डेरा­गर्दा­गोर्षा­माहाराजको­फौजले­∙पाहाडको­∙मुनि­धुंचे­भंन्या­जगामा­मुका
15म्‌­∙गर्‍याको­थियो­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजको­फौज­निचा­जगामा­हुनाले­∙लडाई­गर्‍या­वढि
16या­∙हवै़न­भंन्या­वुझि­धुंचेवाट­पनी­हटि­काभर्‍या­∙भंन्या­जगामा­आइ­मुकाम्‌­∙गर्‍यो­
17व़ाहा­पछि­गोर्षा­माहाराजले­चिनको­लस्कर­∙धेरै­छ­भंन्या­वुझि­चौतरिया­श्रीकृस्न­
18साह­
काजि­वम्‌­साह­∙काजि­अभिमान्‌­सिं­∙काजि­धोकल्‌­सिं­∙सर्दार­∙सत्रुसाल­गैह्र­∙
19सुवेदार∙हरूलाई­∙धेरै­∙फौजका­साथ­लडाईको­सराजाम्‌­∙तोप्‌­∙वाण­तीर­गैह्र­स्मेत्‌­ष­

[9v]

1⟪१६­⟫

1टाई­∙पठाया­र­∙तिनीहरु­सवै­∙धैवुं­भंन्या­जगामा­पुग्या­∙व़ाहापछि­चिनको­फौज­का
2भ्र्यामा­आईपुग्यो­र­∙२­तरफ्‌को­लडाई­∙जोरिन्दा­∙नीदानमा­∙चिनको­फौज­व़ाहा
3वाट­हटि­भागि­धुंचेको­र­∙काभ्र्याको­विचमा­∙रामच्या­भंन्या­जगामा­गै­मुकाम्‌­
4गर्‍यो­∙भागि­जादा­∙पाहाडवाट­षसी­चीनका­सिपाहिहरु­धेरै­∙मर्‍या­उस­वष
5त्‌मा­गोर्षा­माहाराजले­अघि­पक्रि­ल्यायाको­चिनको­सिपाहिलाई­∙आफ्ना­
6⟪हल्‌⟫ह्ल्[?]का­साथ­टुङ्‌ठ्वाङ्‌का­नाउमा­चिठि­लेषि­पठाइदिया­∙त्यो­चिठि­फौ∙
7जको­मालिक्‌­[?]छेउ­68 पुग्दा­तिनै­फौजका­मालिक्‌ले­गोर्षा­[?]राजको­
8भलाकुसारि­∙सोधी­∙दोस्तिका­राहले­रामच्या­[?]जगा­साह्रै­सानु­छ­∙फौ
9ज­वस्‌ना­लायक्‌को­छैन­धैवुं­भन्या­जगा­∙ठुला­छ­तेस­जगावाट­आफ्ना­फौ
10जलाई­∙वेत्राव़ती­नदिको­पार­लगि­∙मुकाम­गराई­∙देउ­र­∙फौजका­मालिक्‌­
11र­∙सर्दार∙हरू­∙वजीर­स्मेत्‌­धैवुंमा­आई­जव़ावसव़ाल­वन्दोवस्त­गरौला­∙व
12न्दोवस्त­नभयासम्म­∙२­तरफका­सिपाहिहरुले­हात­नचलाउनु­∙नदी­पनी­∙ये
13ताकोले­∙उता­:उताकोले­यता­:नतर्नु­भनि­गोर्षा­माहाराजलाई­∙चिठि­लेषि­पठा
14या­र­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजले­पनी­भीकं­सर्दार∙को­चिठिको­वेहोरा­वुझि­∙आफ्ना­भा
15रादार∙हरूलाई­∙फौज­स्मेत्‌­धैवुंवाट­∙कूच­गरि­∙वेत्राव़तीको­∙यस्‌पार­आई­∙ल
16चावुक्‌­∙चुग्दी­दुध्या­∙पाहाड­∙तुइन्‌­थला­नुव़ाकोट्‌को­∙मूल­रस्तामा­मुर्चा­वाँधी­
17वस्नु­भनि­लेषिपठाउदा­गोर्षा­माहाराजको­हुकुम्‌­:वमोजिम्‌­∙भारादारहरुले­
18गर्‍या­सोहि­चीनको­फौजका­मालीक्‌­र­∙सर्दार∙हरू­लडाइको­सराजाम्‌­∙वे़हिसा∙
19प­र­तोपषाना­∙फौजस्मेत्‌­ली­∙धैवुं­काभ्र्यामा­आई­∙मुर्चा­वाँधि­∙मुकाम्‌­गर्‍या­∙उ­

[10r]

1⟪१७­⟫

1स­वषत्‌∙मा­काजि­रंजित्‌­∙पाडे­भोटु­पाडे­नरसिं­टक्सारिलाई­∙लडाई∙मा­पक्रि­ल्या[?]
2का­∙धुरिन्‌­∙काजि­∙अैतु­गैह्र­३­जना­∙चिनियास्मेत्‌­∙चिनका­व़जिरका­हजूरमा­गो
3र्षा­माहाराजले­पठाई∙दिया­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजका­३­जना­भारादार­व़ाँहा­पुग्या­[?]
4चिनका­व़जिरले­∙समर्पा­लामा­मर्‍यो­भंन्या­षवर­∙सुन्याँ­∙साचो­हो­कि­∙झुठो­[?][?]
5सोधदा­काजि­टक्सारिहरूले­∙तिम्रा­मानिस्‌­∙धुरिन्‌­∙काजि­गैह्रले­आफ्ना­[?]ले­दे
6षि­आइ­∙रह्याछन्‌­∙वुझ्‌नु­हव़स्‌­∙भनि­विन्ति­गर्‍या­∙दिन­३­पछि­सोहि­चिनका­व़
7जिर∙ले­नुव़ाकोट्‌­असल­हुन्याछ­69 ∙षालि­गरि∙दिनु­∙फौज­स्मेत्‌­नुव़ाकोट्‌मा­आ
8ई­∙वसौला­नेपालवाट­पनि­∙श्री­महाराज­र­∙श्री­साहेव­∙नुवाकोट्‌­आई­∙मसंग­भेट­
9गर्नु70 ­र­∙उस­वषत्‌मा­∙षातिरज्मा­दी­∙मामिलाको­वन्दोवस्त­गरि­आफ्ना­धेरै­लस्कर­∙
10स्मेत्‌­नुव़ाकोट्‌वाट्‌­कुंच­गरि­आफ्ना­मुलुक्‌मा­जाउला­∙भंन्या­वेहोराको­चिठि­∙
11गोर्षा­माहाराजका­नाउमा­लेषि­यो­कुरा­३­दिन­भित्रमा­वुझि­आउनु­∙होइन­∙
12भंन्या­जवरदस्तिसंग­फौज­स्मेत्‌­∙नुव़ाकोट्‌मा­⟪पु⟫ग्न्या­छु71 ­∙भंन्या­कुरा­काजि­रंजि
13त्‌­∙पाडेसंग­
भनि­∙चिठि­स्मेत्‌­∙काजिलाई­∙पठाई∙दिया­काजि­रंजित्‌­पाडे­∙गो
14र्षा­माहाराजका­हजुरमा­पुगि­काजिले­भन्याका­कुरा­सवै­∙विन्ति­गर्‍या­∙गोर्षा­म
15हाराजवाट­∙व़जिरको­चिठिको­वेहोराले­वजिरको­∙सलूक­गर्न्या­मन्सुवा­छैन­∙भं
16न्या­वुझि­∙मुर्चा­किल्ला­घरहरु­वलियो­तुल्याई­∙सर्कार­कम्पनि­अग्रेज­वहादूरला
17ई­∙साचो­दोस्त­जानि­मदद­∙मागना­निमित्त­∙फौजका­मालिक्‌­नव़ाव­गौरनर­∙ज
18नरल­लाड­अरल्‌का­रन्‌∙वान्स­वहादुरका­षिदमत्‌मा­चिठि­लेषि­कलकत्ता­

[10v]

1⟪१८­⟫

1रवाना­गरि­∙वजिरको­चिठिको­जवावमा­पनि­दोस्ति­गर्नाको­मन्‌जुर­छ­भन्या­धै
2वुंमा­मुकाम्‌­गरि­∙मामिलाको­वन्दोवस्त­गर्नु­∙नुव़ाकोट­भन्याको­नेपालै­हो­∙ताहा­
3षास्ति­गरि­72 ∙डाकन­सक्तिन­भनी­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजले­∙लेषि­पठाया­गोर्षा­माहारा
4जले­∙यस्तो­वेहोराको­चिठि­लेषनाले­∙व़जिर­दिक्क­भै­फेरि­चिठिको­जव़ाव­
5नलेषि­व़जिरले­∙आफु­र­∙फौज­स्मेत्‌­∙नुव़ाकोट्‌मा­आउनालाई­वेत्रा़वति∙­
6नदि[?]­[?]पूल­∙दुरस्त­गराउन­लाया­∙चिनको­फौज­नदि­पार­भै­यता­आ
7उनाको­मन्सुवा­गर्दैछ­∙भंन्या­षवर­सुनी­उन्हेरूलाई­∙हानि­उसै­तरफ­फिराई­
8दिनु­नदि­उस्‌पार­∙जहाँ­वादसाहको­लस्कर­∙व़जिरले­∙मर्चा­73 वाध्याको­छ­ता
9हा­तिमिहरुले­पनि­नजानु­भनि­गोर्षा­महाराजले­आफ्ना­लस्कर∙का­काजि­
10भारादार∙हरूलाई­हुकुम्‌­∙लेषि­पठायाको­दोश्रा­दिन­∙षुद­आफै­व़जिर­पाला
11वाट­74 निस्की­दुरविन­हातमा­ली­जौन­अम्वा­र­∙फौजले­∙देव़रालिमा­गोर्षा­मा
12हाराजको­∙फौजलाई­∙फत्त्य­गर्‍योथ्यो­उसै­अम्वा­र­∙जङ्गि­∙फौजलाई­∙२­तोप्‌­स्मे
13त्‌­∙वेत्राव़ति­नदिको­पूलवाट­∙यस­तरफ्‌­पारि­तरि­∙जानालाई­∙षटाउदा­∙
14उनै­फौज­नदि­तरि­आई­∙दुइ­गोल­भै­∙येक­गोल­चफदीको­75 ∙किल्ला­लिना
15को­मन्सुवा­गरि­जाइलाग्यो­∙दोश्रो­गोल­दुध्या­पहाड­तिर­∙जाई∙लाग्यो­∙उसै­
16दिन­भादौ­वदि­८­का­दिन­२­पहर­∙दिन­चढ्‌दा­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजका­फौज
17का­सर्दार­भारादार∙हरू­पनि­आफुआफु­वलियो­गरि­∙तयार­भयाका­
18थिया­दुवै़­तरफको­∙वाटाका­विचमा­∙मुकाविला­भै­∙लडाइ­भयो­र­∙अलि
19क्‌­छिन्‌सम्म­वन्दुक्‌को­लडाई­∙भयो­पछि­∙तरव़ारको­लडाई­पर्‍यो­गोर्षा­माहा­∙

[11r]

1⟪१९­⟫

1राजको­फौज­उचा­जगामा­थियो­∙चिनको­फौज­तलतीर­थियो­यस्कार∙नले­[?]
2फौज­अडन­नसकि­भाग्यो­∙चिनका­सिपाहिहरू­∙धेरै­∙मारिया­∙गोर्षा­मा[?]
3का­सिपाहि­केहि­∙मात्र­षेत­पर्‍या­∙चिनको­फौज­कति­साह्रै­आँति­पाहाड∙­ मा[?]
4ट­षस्दै­मर्‍या­कति­वेत्रावतिमा­फाल­हाली­मर्‍या­यस्तो­वेहोरा­भयाको[?]­व़
5जिर∙ले­मेरो­फौजले­∙सिकिस्त­षाई­भागी­आयो­भनी­∙दुरविनले­हेरि­[?]वेत्रा
6व़तिको­पूलमा­वलियो­गरि­चौकि­वसाई­∙वेत्रावति­तरि­∙भागि­आउन्या­सिपा
7हिहरूलाई­∙यस्तीर­∙आउन­नदिनु­जो­आउला­उस्को­नाक्‌­काटनु­फेरि­अरु­फौ
8ज­पनि­पठाउनु­∙भंन्या­तजविज­गरि­आफु­व़जिर­∙१३­तोप्‌­साथमा­ली­∙येस्तरफ्‌­
9पूलमा­आई∙पुग्या­उस­वषतमा­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजका­[?]फौजले­चिनको­फौज
10लाई­∙वेत्राव़तिसम्म­हटायाको­थियो­चीनको­फौज­[?]पत्‌­हुनाले­नञा­पूल­
11वेस­गरि­∙दुरुस्त­गर्‍याको­थियेन­∙हडवडिमा­चिनको­फौज­यकै­फेरा­∙पूलवाट­जाँदा­
12पूल­भट्‌की­धेरै­∙चिनको­फौज­वेत्राव़तिमा­डुव्या­वाकि­रह्याका­सिपाहि∙हरूले­पनी­
13गोर्षा­माहाराजको­फौजको­डरले­२­तोप्‌लाई­∙नदिमा­फालि­सिपाहिहरू­∙पनि­धेरै­
14नदिमा­फालहालि­मर्दा­∙सोहि­उजिरले­आफु­फौज⟪ले⟫­सिकिस्त­षायाको­देषि­पुरानु­∙
15पूलको­वाटो­षोलिदिया­∙तेहि­चिनको­फौजका­सर्दार­अम्वा­भाग्दा­षेरि­येऊटा­गोडा­
16भाच्याको­थियो­तेस­अम्वालाई­∙मानिस्‌∙हरूले­पिठमा­वोकि­वाँकी­∙रह्या⟪का⟫­सिपा
17हिहरु­स्मेत्‌­उजिर∙को­फौजमा­आई∙पुग्या­त्यो­अम्वा­३­दिनपछि­∙मर्‍यो­∙पूलमा­चौ
18कि­वस्न्या­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजाको­फौजको­र­∙चिनको­फौजको­लडाई­∙वन्दुकको­हुन्थ्यो­
19तेसै­पूलको­नजीक्‌∙मा­∙१­सानु­पाहाड­थियो­∙तेस­पाहाडमा­चीनका­व़जिरले­तो­

[11v]

1⟪२०­⟫

1⟪१०­⟫

1पषाना­लगि­आफैले­तोप­सोझ्याई­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजका­फौज­तरफ्‌­∙गोलि­चलाउ
2दथ्या­चिनका­फौजको­मुर्चा­काठ­∙ढुंगाको­नहुनाले­जो­सिपाहिहरु­दुषि­म
3र्दथ्या­अथवा­∙मारिंथ्या­∙वहि­मर्न्या­∙सिपाहिहरुको­मुर्चा­वनाई­∙लडाइ­∙ग
4र्द[?]­येस्तै­तव़रको­लडाई­∙हुंदाहुंदा­रात­पर्‍यो­र­२­तर्फको­फौज­आफ्नाआफ्ना­
5जगामा­गया­व़जिर­∙पनि­आफ्ना­सुतन्या­पालमा­गया­भोलि­पल्ट­उसै­उजिरले­76
6भोटु­पाडे­र­∙टक्सारि­नरसिंलाई­77 आफ्ना­हजुर∙मा­डाकि­दुइ­तरफ्‌को­लडाई­हु
7दा­फौजले­कैल्हे­फत्य­गर्दछ­∙कैल्है­सिकिस्त­षांछ­∙यस्मा­दुवै़­तरफ्‌वाट­केहि­
8दुष­मनाउ­नगर्नु­अघि­मैले­गोर्षा­माहाराजलाई­∙नुव़ाकोट्‌मा­आई­मामि
9लाको­वन्दोवस्त­गरुंला­भनि­हुकुम्‌­∙गरि­∙पठायाका­हो­आफ्ना­फौजलाई­∙प
10नि­वेत्रावतिको­येस्‌­पार­राषुं­भन्या­उर्दि­गर्‍याको­हो­उस्मा­मेरा­सिपाहिहरु­मरि
11या­∙यो­मानु­तमासा­हो­हेर्‍याँ­अव­र­∙रैयत्‌∙हरू­र­∙गरिव­गुर्वा78 ­साह्रै­डरायाको­हुनन्‌­∙
12गोर्षा­माहाराज­र­∙श्री­∙साहेवले­पनि­नुव़ाकोट्‌­∙षालि­गर्ना⟪को⟫­चित्तमा­लिनु­पर्दैन­∙
13म­पनि­नुव़ाकोट्‌­जानाको­इरादा­राषतीन79 ­∙श्री­महाराज­र­श्री­साहेवले­पनि­
14नुव़ाकोट्‌मा­आउनाको­जरुर­छैन­∙म­ऐल्हे­श्री­महाराजलाइ­षुसि­गर्ना­नि
15मित्त­२।४­कुरा­लेषि­पठाऊदछु­∙तिमिहरुले­पनि­मैले­लेषि­पठायाको­कुरालाई­
16कवुल­गर्नु­भनि­लेषि­पठाउ­यो­कुरा­कवुल­गर्नाले­म­पनि­लस्कर­स्मेत्‌­येस्‌­मु
17लुक्‌वाट­कुंच­गरि­आफ्ना­मुलुक्‌∙मा­फर्कि­गै­∙चिन­वादसाहका­हजुर्मा­विन्ति­गरि­
18चिन­वादसाहलाई­∙षुसि­तुल्याई­∙श्री­महाराजका­नाउमा­र­श्री­साहेवका­नाउमा­भारि­

[12r]

1⟪२१­⟫

1षिल्लत्‌­वक्साई­∙पठाई∙दिउला­भंन्या­∙इ­∙सवै­कुरा­∙उनै­पाँडे­टक्सारि∙हरु­छेउ­भनि­[?]
2र्पा­लामा­जिउदै­भया­∙साथै­लैजान्या­थिञा­80 ∙इश्वर∙का­गर्नाले­मरेछ­भन्या­[?]हा
3डमाल­असवाव­र­∙नोकर∙हरु­स्मेत्‌­औ­∙डिगर्चाको­जवद­गरि­ल्यायाको­माल­अ
4सवावहरु­∙यस्‌­सिवाय­आजकाल­तिमिहरुले­81 ∙जवद­गरि­ल्यायाको­[?]वाद
5साहका­हजुर∙वाट­डिगर्चाको­तासिलेमूँ­82 ∙लामालाइ­∙षिल्लत्‌­∙मिल्याको­अ[?]ल्‌­ना
6मि­तोहफा­र­∙चिज­वस्तुहरुमा­र­डिगर्चामा­लुट्याको­मालहरुमाको­थोर­∙वहुत­कुचि
7नको­थान्‌­र­चाँदि­औ­सुनका­भाडाहरु­व़जिरले­गोर्षा­माहाराजवाट­जपद­83 गर्‍या
8को­माल­असवाव­फिर्ता­गरि­∙ल्यायो­भन्या­84 पार्नालाई­∙पठाइ∙दिनु­अघि­सामर्पा­:
9लामाको­फरेवले­केरुंमा­लेषपढ्‌­भयाको­∙धर्मपत्रको­कागज­पनि­पठाइ∙दिनु­ल्हा
10सावाट­पनि­कागजपत्र­∙फिर्ता­गरि­दुवै़­कागजलाई­∙फादि­85 दिउला­र­फेरि­दुवै़­तर
11फ्‌को­झकरा­तक्रार­हुन्या­छैन्‌­∙चिन­वादसाहाको­नाउमा­पनि­येक­अर्जि­लेषि­अ
12नौठा­तोहफाको­नजर­∙स्मेत्‌­∙चार­काजिमा­१­काजिसंग­पठाई़दिनु­∙जव­लेषिया­
13वमोजिम्‌∙को­चिज­वस्तुहरु­र­∙अर्जि­ली­काजि­मेरो­हजुरमा­∙पुगला­उस­घ
14डिमा­लस्कर­∙स्मेत्‌­∙यस­∙मुलुक्‌वाट­∙कुंच­गरि­∙आफ्ना­मुलुक्‌∙मा­∙जाउला­
15कदाचित्‌­∙यो­मैले­⟪ले⟫ष्याको­जस्तो­गरेनौ­भन्या­लस्कर­∙स्मेत्‌­∙म­आफ्ना­मुलुक्‌­तर
16फ्‌­जान्या­छैन­∙झ्‌न­नेपालै­तिर­∙चढाई­∙गरुंला­यस्कुरालाई­∙श्री­महाराज­र­∙श्री­सा
17हेवले­आफ्ना­काजि­भारादारहरु­वसि­सल्लाह­गरि­∙चिन­वादसाहसंग­∙स
18लुक्‌­∙गर्‍या­बढिया­होला­∙भनि­वुझदछौ­भन्या­मैले­∙लेष्या­वमोजिम्‌­∙का⟪म⟫­गरि­
19माथि­लेषियाका­चिठिहरु­चाडो­मेरा­हजुरमा­∙पठाई∙दिनु­कदाचित्‌­लडाई­

[12v]

1⟪२२­⟫

1⟪[...]१­⟫

1गर्नामा­आफु­वढिया­बुझ्दछौ­भन्या­पनि­चाडै­यस्को­जवाव­पठाईदिनु­म­पनि­
2लडाई∙लाइ­तयार­∙हुला­भनि­चिनका­व़जिरले­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­नाउमा­∙
3चिठि­लेषिपठाया­र­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजले­वजिर∙को­चिठिको­वेहोरा­वुझि­यस्­कु
4राको­सल्लाह­‌ ∙काजि­भारादारहरुसंग­∙गर्ना­लाग्याका­थिया­तस्तै­वषत्‌मा­व़
5जिर∙को­फौजलाई­∙येकासि­औल्‌­लागि­धेरै­∙सिपाहिहरु­मर्‍या­रसद­अना
6जहरु­पनि­⟪न⟫पुग्न्या­कहिवाट­पुगी­गयो­भन्या­पनि­धेरै­∙दिनको­पुरानु­षान86 ­⟪न⟫हु
7न्या­हुनाले­सवै­तिर∙वाट­∙चिनको­फौजलाई­∙दुष­र­∙वेथा­लग्‌नाले­आफु­
8चिठिको­जव़ाव­लेषि­पठाउनु­भनि­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजलाई­∙व़जिरले­वारंवार­∙
9ताकिदि­87 गरि­पठाया­∙यस्तै­विचमा­गोर्षा­माहाराजको­चिठिको­जव़ावमा­क
10लकत्तावाट­लाठसाहेवका­हजुरवाट­पनि­जस्ता­तरहले­चिन­वादसाहसँ
11ग­∙दोस्ति­सलूक्‌­हुंछ­∙सो­गर्नु­उसले­वढिया­हुन्या­छ­∙दुवै़­तरफको­दोस्तिको­:
12जरो­वलियो­गर्ना­निमित्त­∙म­आफ्ना­तरफ्‌वाट­∙कप्तान्‌­व़लीयम्‌­किरिक्‌पात
13रिक्‌­∙साहेव­वहादूरलाइ­∙पठाइ­दिउला­भनी­∙लेषि­पठायाको­चिठि­पनि­आई­
14पुग्यो­र­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजवाट­व़जिरले­∙लेष्याको­र­∙लाठ­साहेवले­लेष्याको­वि
15चार­गरि­∙चिन­वादसाहलाई­∙मान्या­वढिया­होला­∙झगरा­∙तक्रार­गर्‍या­घटि
16या­होला­भन्या­∙आपुसमा­तजविज­गरि­व़जिरले­∙लेष्या­वमोजिम्‌­∙सामर्पा­
17लामाको­हाड्‌­र­∙नोकरहरु­उस्को­∙माल­असवाव­स्मेत्‌­∙औ­चिन­वादसा
18हवाट­डिगर्चाको­∙टासिलेमुँ­88 लामालाई­षिल्लत्‌­भयाको­चिजवस्तु­र­जव
19द­गरि­ल्यायाको­मध्ये­केहि­चाँदि­त­∙कुचिन्‌को­थान्‌­औ­चिन­वादसाहका­न­

[13r]

1⟪२३­⟫

1जर­निमित्त­अनौठा­∙तोहफा­र­∙अर्जि­स्मेत्‌­∙काजि­देव़दत्त­थापा­∙सुवा­प्रतिमन्‌­राना­
2जित्‌­∙साहि­
वलभद्र­∙मुतसद्दिहरुलाई­५०­जना­मानीस्‌­∙साथ­गरि­∙विदा­दीई89 ­
3चीन्‌90 ­सहर­पठाया­∙काजिले­चीजवस्तुहरु­ली­व़जिरसंग­गै­∙भेट्‌­मुलाकात्‌­[?]
4व़हापछि­गोर्षा­माहाराजवाट­∙जाफत्‌­ला∙यक्‌को­सरजाम­∙व़जिरका­हजूरमा­
5पठाईदिया­∙दुवै़­तरफ्‌वाट­∙५­वर्ष­पछि­गोर्षा­माहाराजको­∙व़किलले­अर्जि­र­सौ
6गात्‌­स्मेत्‌­ली­∙चिनवादसाह∙का­हजुरमा­∙गै­∙चीन­वादसाहको­दर्शन­गरि­आफ्ना­
7हाल­∙विन्ती­गर्दै­रहनु­गोर्षा­माहाराज­र­ल्हासाका­राजाले­मिलिरहनु­∙फेरि­आ
8पुस्‌मा­झगडा­तक्रार­नगर्नु­भंन्या­∙दुवै़­तरफवाट­अ[?]­91 भै­∙अघि­देषिको­
9गोर्षा­माहाराजको­जगा­गोर्षालाई­92 ∙ल्हासाको­∙ल्हासैलाई­गरि­दुवै़­तरफको­
10षुसिराजीसंग­फै[?]­गरिदिया­∙गोर्षा­महाराजको­निषरा­महिन्द्रमलि
11को­∙टक्‌­र­∙अघिका­राजाका­षोटो­टक्‌∙लाई­जिन्सी­षरिद­गर्दा­∙निषरा­टक्‌
12को­∙निषराको­मोल्‌­∙षोटो­टक्‌को­षोटैका­मोल्‌­गरि­भोट्­मुलुक्‌मा­चल
13न्‌­गराईदिया­∙कोहि­दुसमन्‌ले­गोर्षा­महाराजको­फौज्‌­माथि­लडाई∙
14को­मन्सुवा­गर्‍यो­भन्या­यस्कुराको­∙इत्तलाय­∙चिन­वादसाहका­हजुरमा­∙गरि­∙
15पठाउनु­र­∙वादसाहको­हजुरवाट­∙मददलाई­∙षजाना­र­∙फौज­वक्साई­∙प
16ठाई­दिउला­भनि­यो­∙अकरार­∙दुवै़­तरफवाट­ठहरिया­र­व़जिरले­⟪आ⟫फ्ना­फौज­
17र­गोर्षा­माहाराजका­∙काजि­गैह्र­∙मानिस्‌हरुलाई­∙साथमा­ली­∙धैवुंवाट­∙
18कुंच­गरि­आफ्ना­मुलुक्‌­∙तरफ्‌­गया­∙गोर्षा­महाराजका­∙लेषिया­वमोजिम्‌
19का­भारादार­टक्सारि­∙पाँडे­∙४­दिनको­वाटो­केरुंसम्म­व़जीरका­साथ­

[13v]

1[...]

1मा­गया­व़ाहा­व़जिरले­∙गोर्षा­माहाराजलाई­∙चिठि­लेषि­अनौठा­तोहफा­स्मे
2त्‌­∙भारादारका­हव़ाला­गरि­भारादारहरुलाई­∙पनि­भारि­षिल्लत्‌­दी­∙हा
3म्रा­दुष्याका­सिपाहिहरुलाई­∙सिहार­∙संभारसंग­∙यतातिर­∙पठाई­∙नेपाल­∙
4तिर­जानु­भनि­हुकु⟪म्‌⟫दी­व़जिर­∙व़ाहावाट­कुंच­गर्‍या­भारादार∙हरुले­व़जिर
5ले­अह्राया­वमोजिम्‌­२२­दिनसम्म­केरुंमा­∙मुकाम­गरि­∙दुष्याका­सिपाहि
6हरु­र­पछि­रह्याका­∙पालडेरा­माल­असवाव­∙गैह्रलाई­∙उत्तर­∙तरफ­रवाँना­
7गरि­∙केरुंवाट­∙नेपाल्‌­तरफ­आया­भोटु­पाँडे­∙नरसिं­टक्सारिले­∙वजिरले­प
8ठाइदियाको­चिठि­र­∙तोहफाहरु­∙गोर्षा­महाराजका­हजुरमा­गुजराई­व़जिर
9ले­भनि­∙पठायाका­∙कुराको­सवै­विस्तार­विन्ति­[?][?]लिस्ति­तरफ­व
10स्याको­फौजको­मालिक्‌­चान्‌चुन्‌ले­अघिका­जस्तै­[?]महर्वानिले­93 दोस्ति
11को­चिठि­लेषि­∙गोर्षा­महाराजलाई­∙पठाया­∙गोर्षा­महाराजवाट­पनि­उस्को­ज
12व़ावमा­जाफ्‌त्‌­तोहाफा­स्मेत्‌­चान्‌चुन्‌लाई­पठाइदिया­त्यो­चिठि­र­तोहफा­
13पुगनाले­चान्‌चुन्‌­वहुतै­षुसि­भै­∙आफ्‌ना­तरफवाट­पनि­चिठि­तोहफा­∙गोर्षा­
14महाराजलाई­∙पठाइ­दी­∙कार्तिक­सुदि­२­का­दिन­∙लिस्ति­भंन्या­जगावाट­कुंच­
15गरि­आफ्‌ना­मुलुक्‌­तरफ­गया­उस्‌­वषत्‌मा­व़जिर­केरुं­झुंगा∙को­वाटो­गरि­∙टि
16गरि­
मैदान्‌∙मा­∙पुग्याका­थिया­∙फौजका­मालिक­चान्‌∙चुन्‌­पनि­यतावाट­∙जा
17दा­दुवै़जना­∙तहि­∙टिगरिमा­∙सामेल­भै­∙उस्‌तरफ्‌­कुंच­गर्‍या­वजिर­∙र­फौज
18का­मालिक्‌­ल्हासामा­पुग्यापछि­∙डिगर्चा­सांष्या­ल्हासाका­३­लामालाई­∙छोडि­
19भोटका­∙भला­आदमी­∙मुसाहेव­कारिन्दा­गैह्र­र­∙ल्हासाको­लामाका­∙दुई­भाई­∙रा
20जा­ध्यांजु­94 ∙काजि­धुरेन्‌­काजि­∙अैतु­टावा­काजि­गैह्र∙लाई­∙पक्रि­ल्हासाका­∙अ­

[14r]

1⟪२५­⟫

1घिल्लो­ठानादार­∙अम्वा­∙माथि­रिसाई­∙गोर्षा­महाराजको­फौज­डि⟪ग⟫र्चामा­आउ
2दा­∙तिमिहरुले­∙लडाई­∙गर्नु­पर्न्या­∙मुनासिव­हो­∙टेसु­लामालाई­∙फुल्याई­∙डि
3गर्चावाट­भगाई­∙ल्हासा­लग्यौ­भनि­∙सवैलाइ­∙नेल­हालि­∙तिनै­∙दुई­∙अम्वा
4का­वदलामा­∙अरु­दुइ­अम्वा­र­∙५­सय­जति­सिपाहिहरुलाई­∙थानादार­ज
5स्तो­गरि­∙ल्हासामा­राषी­फागुन­मैन्हामा­ल्हासावाट­∙उसतरफ­कुंच­गर्‍या­ल्हा
6साका­नजिक्‌­∙सयकरौं­कोस्‌­एताउता­∙गर्मिको­दिन­हुनाले­∙र­∙घटिया­
7हव़ा­चलनाले­∙गोर्षा­महाराजको­मुलुक्‌­∙स्याफ्रु­धैंवु­∙टिमुर्‍यामा­∙दुष्या
8का­चान्‌चुन्‌का95 ­सिपाहि­∙ङयारुंमा­षंवा­सोषपु­96 ∙चिनिञा­धेरै­मर्‍या­ति­मु
9र्दारहरु∙लाई­गाड्‌नालाई­∙भोट्‌­मुलुकवाट­सवै­वेगारि­पक्रि­ल्याया­
10जलाउना­निमित्त­दारुव़ा­नपाउदा­∙घरघरका­∙काठहरु­झिकि­ल्या
11या­∙विफर्­हुनाले­पनि­∙भोट्‌का­मानिस्‌हरु­धेरै­मर्‍या­त्यस्तै­डव़ल्‌ले­∙भो
12ट­मुलुक्‌­वै़रान्‌­97 र­षराव­हुन­जानाले­∙अझसम्म­∙दुवै­तरफका­∙वेपारि­सौ
13दागर∙हरुको­आउन्या­जानाको­वाटो­वन्द­भया­रहेछ­98 ∙यस्‌­भन्दा­अघि­रा
14जाको­काजिको­∙ल्हासाका­लामाको­थोर­वहुत्‌­भोट्‌मा­हुकुम्‌­∙चल्द­
15थियो­अव­तिन्हेरु­रै⟪ये⟫त्‌का­हिसापमा­छन्‌­∙भोटमा­साना­ठुला­काम्‌मा­
16चिनिञाको­हुकुम्‌­∙चल्दछ­यो­कैफियेत्‌­∙जस्ताको­तस्ता­छ­र­लेषियो­

Translation

[1r]

[This is] a book, [written in] Dhaibung99 , detailing the war with the kingdom of Tibet and with China’s Minister (ujira) [that took place] from the year [Vikrama Samvat] 1846 until the year 1849100 – 1

[2r]

As written below, [this is] a copy of a special report sent to councillors sahibs of Kalkattā (i.e., Kolkata) through the hands of Captain Kirkpatrick sahib and Bahādura Saukāta Jaṅga [written] on [Monday], the tenth day of the bright half of Vaiśākha in the [Vikrama] year 1850.

[This is] a side note recording the previous war with the country of Tibet under the dominion of China and the Minister of China (i.e., Fu-kang-an)101 that happened between the [Vikrama era] years 1846 until 1849; [it also records the outcome of] the treaty between the Chinese Emperor and the [Gorkhā] Mahārāja Raṇa Bahādura Sāha Bahādura Samśera Jaṅga.

[The currency problem (1788)]

In the past, there was a mutual friendship between the King of Nepāla and the King of Tibet (i.e., the Dalai Lama), and the unalloyed mahindramallī coin from Nepal was used as currency in Tibet102 . However, during the reign of King Jayaprakāsa Malla of Nepāla (i.e., Kathmandu) and King Rañjīta Malla of Bhadgaon, [the silver] mahindramallī was mixed with copper, and this debased mahindramallī was used in Tibet for some time. When Nepāla was brought under the control of the Gorkhā Mahārāja (i.e., Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa Śāha), the debased mahindramallī coin was made defunct.

After the frequent exchange of letters and establishing friendship with Tibet, the Gorkhā Maharāja sent his own people to [Tibet], stating: “Because the unalloyed mahindramallī coins of Nepāla and also the unalloyed mahindramallī coins of the Gorkhā Mahārāja were current in Tibet, now unalloyed mahindramallī coins of the Gorkhā Mahārāja are again minted. As it was not acceptable to use [simultaneously] the adulterated [coin], I will send [my] pure mahindramallī coins as currency, and they must be used in the Tibetan territory.” However, the people in Tibet sent [a message] to the Gorkhā Mahārāja, saying: “There are still a lot of adulterated mahindramallī coins in the territory of Tibet. To eliminate them will cause [us] significant damage. [Therefore] we do not agree to use [only] the unalloyed mahindramallī as [our] currency. Please mint adulterated mahindramallīs wherever you can and send them to us.”

[2v]

In this way, nine to ten years passed [with the exchange] of questions and answers. As stubbornness on both sides persisted, the Gorkhā Mahārāja103 , through his ambassador, sent a new directive savāla to the people of Tibet, saying: “If you insist that you cannot eliminate the adulterated mahindramallī, then it is appropriate to use the pure coins as pure ones, and the adulterated coins as adulterated ones. You should continue as it was done before, just as the traders used to take articles and goods to Tibet after purchasing them from Nepāla, and [likewise] used to bring them from Tibet to Nepāla.” [However] the people of Tibet did not respond and used the pure mahindramallī alongside the debased one104 . Furthermore, for three to four years, the merchants were unable to travel due to the closure of the road, rendering the Gorkhā Mahārāja's mint useless.

In light of these circumstances, the Gorkhā Mahārāja, recognising the Tibetans as his own friends, rightly proposed: “Send respected persons from your own side to the border to resolve this matter. From the side of the Gorkhā Mahārāja, [representatives] will then also come. If these arrangements are done, they will be beneficial for both sides. However, there might be evil traders on both sides.” But the Tibetans disagreed and therefore did not send respected persons to the border for the arrangement. [Instead] they said to the Gorkhā Mahārāja: “We have built a road through the plains of Tingri105 (text: Tigri), are establishing forts along the border, and have assembled 125,000 soldiers. If you want war, then come.”

When the people of Tibet sent a clear answer rejecting the [proposed] arrangements and became ready for war, the Gorkhā Mahārāja understood that Tibet is a territory of the Chinese Emperor. Realising that war was not appropriate, he wrote a petition arjī to the Chinese Emperor explaining that the people of Tibet had rejected offers of negotiations and prepared for war. He [also] wrote a letter to (lit. ‘in the name of’) the amban (text: ambā) and police officer at Lhasa, and the honourable Lāmās of Ḍigarcā i.e.,[in Shigatse]106 and Sākya107 [monastery] and dispatched his people to Lhasa.

[3r]

When the petition and letters reached Lhasa, the petition was not forwarded to the Chinese Emperor, but was sent back to the Nepalese side. At that time, the Gorkhā Mahārāja sent a response to the Tibetans, saying: “I have no intention of making war. However, if you are not satisfied with this [arrangement] and intend to make war, then it is also acceptable for me, and I will send my army.”

[The first Tibet-Gorkha war begins – negotiations with Tibet and China]

[The Gorkhali] then sent their army108 to Tibet and fought a war that reached up to Sikārajaṅg109 , but due to difficult terrain the army was forced to stay there for a month [only], encircling Sikārajaṅg. During that month, the Tibetan cavalry and infantry, along with military equipment such as cannons, came to help the Sikārajaṅg people three to four times, but by the grace of God, the Gorkhā Mahārāja’s army defeated them.

Afterwards, the respected Tashi Lāmā (text: Ṭesu Lāmā)110 and honourable Lāmās from Ḍigarcā and Sākya [Monastery] went to the army of the Gorkhā Mahārāja and said: “We can arrange a mutual peace arrangement. Stop the war!” When the Gorkhā Mahārāja’s army chief spoke to the honorable Tashi Lāmā, he said: “We previously attempted to make peace with [you] Tibetans but since you did not agree to it, we have come this far [with our army]. If you want to negotiate peace, you should send the kājī of Lhasa (i.e., Doring Tenzin Peljor, see below) and [other] respected men to Kerung111 (text:Keruṃ) and Kuti112 . Respected men from both sides can sit together and arrange a treaty.” The lāmās agreed to this proposal, and therefore the army of the Gorkhā Mahārāja withdrew from Sikārajaṅg and stationed at Kerung and Kuti, Jhuṅgā113 and Phalāvāṅ114 .

When the Chinese Emperor heard all these details, [his] army chief sardāraCān Cun115 with two to four ambans and many soldiers116 [were sent to and] arrived in Lhasa.

[3v]

Then the respected Dalai Lama (text: Potalā Lāmā) from Lhasa and the respected lāmās from Ḍigarcā and Sākya [Monastery] told the army chief Cān Cun: “We made a mistake, [but] now we are having negotiations with the Gorkhā Mahārāja for a proper arrangement. We will send our own respected men to Kerung to arrange it. Until [this] arrangement is concluded, please remain here (in Lhasa).” Cān Cūn replied: “Arrange it quickly!”

Then several reputable men, [including] Tashi Lāmā’s father, three other lāmās from Sākya [Monastery], the reputable big kājī from Lhasa [named] Dhurin117 , the treasurer Devuka118 , nine to ten students/monks of the Potāla (text:Putālā) Lāmā, arrived in Kerung. The Gorkhā Mahārāja sent Sāmarpā Lāmā119 , Kaptān (Captain) Bam Bahādura Śāha (text: Bam Sāha), Mint-master (ṭaksari)Harihara Upādhyā, Narasiṃ Sāhi and other four to five respected men to Kerung [to prepare the so-called 1789 treaty of Kerung].120 By this time, the army chief Cān Cun had also arrived at Sikārajang.

When the respected representatives from both sides met for negotiations, the vakila of the Gorkhā Mahārāja stated: “When the previous arrangement was made, the Tibetans acted differently and talked arrogantly, and the army of the Gorkhā Mahārāja reached up to here. Because the Tibetan roads were closed for eight to ten years, the mint [of the mahendramalli] and custom duties were also closed, and because of this stopping, in both affairs, hundreds of thousands of rupees in expenses and losses happened to the Gorkhā Mahārāja. Make an arrangement for compensating the rupees!”

In these negotiations, the Tibetans agreed, saying: “In these quarrels between both sides, you had a lot of expenses of rupees but we cannot compensate for it.” Then the vakila of Gorkhā replied to the lāmās of Sākya and Ḍigarcā as well as to Sāmarpā Lāmā: “Please, you three lāmās, be mediators and make an arrangement. If it is our fault, we will compensate whatever loss of rupees and expenses is due to Lhasa. If it is Lhasa’s fault, you should compensate our loss.”

[4r]

While these negotiations were taking place, the lāmās judged that it was Lhasa’s fault. After the delegation from Lhasa acknowledged this during the discussions, they said: “We cannot compensate for this much in rupees, but if you would consider reducing the amount, we will certainly compensate121 .” Then the vakila of Gorkhā Mahārāja replied: “If you cannot compensate for all our expenses and losses, then give us 5,000,000 rupees and we will restore the old border. If you cannot (provide this amount), you should leave to us the new territories south of Langur122 which are under our occupancy. If you cannot do even this, give us every year 100,000 rupees.” The delegation from Lhasa did not agree to any of these proposals.

[A kind of truce and the first mission to Beijing]

[Afterwards] the army chief Cān Cun sent the two ambans, Mutājin and Ṭāṅga Tājīn123 , together with soldiers to Kerung. When both ambans reached Kerung, they enquired about the arguments of both sides, looked into the matter, had many discussions, and concluded on the second day that it was the fault of the Lhasa people. They criticised them [for this], and [in the end], the Lhasa people agreed to pay 50,000 rupees annually to the Gorkhā Mahārāja124 . The ambans caused both sides to place the deities as witnesses and to issue a religiously solemnized agreement dharmapatra. After the agreement was issued, these two ambans, representing the army chief Cān Cun, caused the two sides to come to peaceful terms and returned to Lhasa. Later, people from the kājī of Lhasa and the lāmās of Ḍigarcā and Sākya deposited 50,000 rupees of the first year in the treasury of the Gorkhā Mahāraja, as written in the agreement, took a receipt of these rupees, and returned to Lhasa. The high-level functionaries bhāradāra of the Gorkhā Mahārāja also left Kerung, Kuti, Jhuṅgā and Phalāk125 that had fallen into their hands. The junior amban took the dharmapatra paper and returned with the army to Nepāla126 .

[4v]

The Gorkhā Mahārāja then (in the fall 1789) sent through this junior amban a petition arjī, customary, ceremonial or honorary gifts (najara) and presents (tohaphā) to the Chinese Emperor. [This mission] to Beijing (text:Pecin) City [was accompanied by] the vakilas Hari[hara Upādhyāya]-1127 , Balabhadra Khavāsa-1, and another twenty to twenty-five people. After the vakila and the junior amban reached Ḍigarcā, the army chief Cān Cun also dispatched one amban from his side and sent him along with the vakila from the Gorkhā Mahārāja to the audience of the Chinese Emperor.

After six months, this vakila [i.e., Harihara Upadhyaya] reached Beijing City, paid respect darśana to the Emperor, stayed in the city for forty-five days, and was granted fifteen audiences by the Emperor128 . After forty-five days, the vakila and the other people received from the Emperor ceremonial robes (khilata, text: khilla), who also granted the Gorkhā Mahārāja the credentials of a title (khitāpako paravānā)129 and many ceremonial robes. Then, the vakila, together with the amban and his own people, arrived in Nepāla after fourteen months130 .

[The Shamarpa conflict (1791)]

After three years, the high official (mutasaddi)131 named Cin Devuka from Lhasa came to Nepāla and said to the Gorkhā Mahārāja: “We cannot pay the compulsory payment of 50,000 rupees yearly. Please pardon us.” The Gorkhā Mahārāja replied: “I cannot recall the dharmapatra that was agreed upon by both sides. If you ask for forgiveness, first send the 100,000 rupees which are two years overdue. If you [afterwards] make a request, we will give you an answer.” This high official did agree to pay the overdue of two years. This official was friendly from outside but deceitful from inside.

[5r]

He said: “All these disturbances were caused by Samārpa Lāmā. Take him by any means to the border, arrest him there and bring him to Lhasa132 .”

Having considered this, the high official Cin Devuka brought secretly the bhāradāras Dhurin Kājī (text: Dhurain Kājī), Aitu Kājī133 , sardāra Cyāgaṃlocan134 , Chasak Lāmā and so on together with troops from Lhasa to the border. This high official said to the Gorkhā Mahārāja: “Sāmarpā Lāmā and his bhāradāras should also be sent to the border. Then also kājī and other bhāradāras will come from Lhasa. They will sit together and make an arrangement to manage the affair.”

About one month before, Sāmarpā Lāma and the official Cin Devuka had gone to a place called Listi135 (near Sindhupalcok) in the territory of the Gorkhā Mahārāja. Due to God’s fate, the official died there. After his death, his younger brother came and stayed at that place. As asked by the [Chinese] official, the Gorkhā Mahārāja sent kaptān Bam Bahādura Śāha (text: Bam Sāha), Kājī Dāmodara Pãḍe136 , ṭaksāri Narsiṃ, sardāra Praval Rānā (text: Parval Rānā) and subbā Bhāratha to Kuti. From Lhasa, Dhurin Kājī, Aitu Kājī, sardāra Cyāgaṃlocan, Chasaka Lāmā, and other respected persons from Ḍigarcā [and] Sākya came to Kuti. After the bhāradāras from the Gorkhā Mahārāja together with the Sāmarpā Lāmā from Listi reached Chhusang137 (text: Chusāṃ) area, the bhāradāras from Lhasa said: “We have not been called here to manage the issue. These people have come here in order to deceitfully arrest Sāmarpā Lāmā.”

Having understood the intention, the bhāradāras from the Gorkhā Mahārāja kept Sāmarpā Lāmā with themselves and sent him, together with soldiers, two subedāras and one subā to Kuti.

[5v]

After the subedāras reached that place, they encircled the bhārādāras, along with Dhurina Kājī, saying: “You did not come to make arrangements for managing the affair; [instead] you were determined to arrest Sāmarpā Lāmā.” They arrested Dhurin Kājī, Aitu Kājī, sardāra Cyāgaṃlocan (text: cyāmalocan) and Chasaka Lāmā (text: chāsaklāmā) and sent them (as hostages), along with soldiers and the Sāmarpā Lāmā, to Nepāla.

[The battle begins again (1792)]

(On September 17, 1791) the Gorkhā Mahārāja’s bhārādāras marched together with the army138 towards Ḍigarcā and started to fight with the army of the other side and thus reached Ḍigarcā.

Fifteen days ago, the army of the Gorkhā Mahārāja had not yet reached [Ḍigarcā]. Chāṃju Lāmā, Ṭesu Lāmā and some Chinese individuals who lived in Ḍigarcā began their journey from there to Lhasa. For the protection of the monastery, [where] about 3.000 neophytes [lived] along with the lāmās, it was written in the dharmapatra: “Within 3 years, only in the first year 50.000 rupees were received from Lhasa, while the rest of 100.000 rupees were not paid. As per the dharmapatra, the work was not done, and therefore, the lāmās were responsible for 500 dhārni of gold.” When it was explained to the head lāmās from the Ḍigarcā magistrate that they should also arrange 100.000 rupees due for two years, they went from Ḍigarcā to Lhasa. The neophytes said to the bhārādāras of the Gorkhā Mahārāja: “To the best of our ability, we cannot give the gold [you demand from us]; nor can we pay the money. The monastery is [our] present, make it please you.“ Having said this, the bhārādāras of the Gorkhā Mahārāja made a halt at Ḍigarcā for 15 days, forcefully taking cash, property, and goods whatever they found before marching away from there (i.e., the Ḍigarcā Monastery).

[6r]

As they traveled, they engaged in battles and defeated the opposing army along the way. When the army of the Gorkhā Mahārāja reached Khartal139 in Langur Himal, it is alleged that 2,000 soldiers died due to smallpox and insufficient food supplies. The surviving soldiers of the Gorkhā Mahārāja, along with the bhāradāras, stayed there for seven months before finally arriving in Nepāla.

Afterwards, in the month of Maṅgsira of the year [Vikrama] Saṃvat 1848, army chief Cān Cun arrived in Lhasa, [sent] by his Majesty the Chinese Emperor. Cān Cun wrote a letter to [the Gorkhā Mahārāja], saying: “During your management of the affairs you arrested Lhasa’s bhārādāras, the Dhurin Kājī and others, and plundered valuables from Ḍigarcā.” He sent [this letter] through ambanPān Cūyā140 to the Gorkhā Mahārāja in Nepāla. In response, the Gorkhā Mahārāja wrote: “Respected persons from two sides had met in Kerung and willingly signed the dharmapatra according to which 50,000 rupees from Lhasa were given. Since the remaining 100,000 rupees were left unpaid, I had sent Sāmarpā Lāmā and my own bhārādāras to Kerung to arrange and enforce the payment of the rupees. [However] they did not pay attention to refunding the remaining rupees, and tried to deceitfully arrest Sāmarpā Lāmā and our bhāradāras. When our bhāradāras realised the deceitful intention of the Lhāsa people, they arrested Dhurin Kājī and other bhāradāras from Lhasa and brought them here. The amount of two years was due following the agreement of both sides and with the guarantee of Teṣu Lāmā and others. Therefore we had confiscated the valuables from Ḍigarcā. You are the big saradāra of the Chinese Emperor. Here is the dharmapatra that was signed by two sides. Decide carefully whether it is my mistake or the mistake of the Lhāsa people.”

[6v]

The Gorkhā Mahārāja sent this letter together with his people and exceptional tributes through the amban of Cān Cun to Lhāsa. However, the Cān Cun who is the commander of the (Chinese) troops did not take care of it, arrested the people of Gorkhā Mahārāja and wished to march for battle toward this side with amunitions and canons.

[The attack on Kuti and the retreat to Listi]

In Kuti, the police officer thānedāra from the Gorkhā Mahārāja’s side used to stay with a small army. The armies of both sides engaged in a war, and upon hearing about it, the Gorkhā Mahārāja sent another army for support. The area called Listi, which was known to be excellent, had been a station of the Gorkhā Mahārāja since early on. The army arrived there to provide assistance, and two stations [further] was Kuti. After the army's decision to proceed to Kuti, they were unable to do so due to a sudden snowfall. It seemed that as long as the snow continued, neither the Gorkhā army nor the Chinese army could advance. Once the snowfall had ended, army chief Cān Cun took about fifteen to sixteen thousand soldiers from the city of Cendung (text: Chengdu)141 in Sichuan province. When he reached near Khāsā142 , both sides prepared for war.

Previously, the Chinese army had attempted to attack Kuti several times, but without success. At that time time, they [attacked] with cannons and cannon balls, killing the subedāras and soldiers and claiming ownership of the Kuti fort. During the war, the Gorkhā Mahārāja's army was armed with caupālā and toḍedāra rifles143 .

[7r]

At this time, the arsenal was set on fire, and since gunpowder is the treasure of war, all the gunpowder, along with the soldiers of the Gorkhā Mahārāja, got burned. The war could not go on, and the Gorkhā Mahārāja's army retreated and returned to the Listi area. Having heard that Cān Cun happened to have the intention to come to this (i.e., the Nepalese) side, an army was sent from the Gorkhā Mahārāja for support. They positioned themselves towards the area called Listi and prepared for battle. After some days, Cān Cun arrived at Listi with his army and cannons. After both sides clashed into war, the Chinese army was defeated by the Gorkhā Mahārāja's army, which fought with the toḍedāra and caupavāla rifles. As the military leader of the cavalry, the amban, and soldiers of the Chinese army were killed, the Chinese army halted four kośas further. They could not intend to fight a war at Listi for a second time. The Gorkhā Mahārāja also thought it was not right to pursue them where the Chinese Emperor's army was going. While the Chinese army was [moving] towards Listi, they faced heavy trouble due to the hot season and lack of sufficient portions of food-grains. They were helpless as food was not available, and many Chinese soldiers died as the old portions of food-grains were not enough. Not even one of the monkeys living around Listi survived because the Chinese army killed and ate them all144 .

[7v]

[Fu-kang-an’s troops intervenes in the fighting]

[Then] the Gorkhā Mahārāja pondered, “Our fight is with the people of Lhasa, but not with the Chinese Emperor. There was an accusation in Lhasa regarding the big army chiefs sent by the Chinese Emperor who certainly had understood that both sides issued a dharmapatra as an agreement by correspondence.” Meanwhile the big vazir (text: ujīra) Ṭuṃṭhvāṅg145 , Bhīkak [and] sardāraCundūn Nājīmā, along with enormous troops146 and with and the banner of the Chinese Emperor, came to Lhasa and wrote in a letter sent to the Gorkha Mahārāja: “You arrested the bhāradāras along with Dhurin Kājī and looted commodities in Ḍigarcā. When the complaint of your big crime reached the Chinese Emperor, he sent me, the great Ṭuṃṭhvāṅg, with a big army to kill and destroy you root and branch so that even the name of Nepāla would not remain. Thus, I have come here. You have no idea of the sovereign power of China. However, a dishonest person [Sāmarpā Lāmā] from Bhoṭ (Tibet) approached you and is about to cause all this trouble. If you imprison him and send to me the noblemen of Lhasa together with Dhurin Kājī, who were arrested by you, accompanied by one of your senior kājīs, I will excuse your big offences. Then I will also give you gold weighing as much as this troublesome Lāmā.”

In response, the Gorkhā Mahārāja wrote a letter to Minister Ṭuṃṭhvāṅg, stating: “We will release the noblemen, including Dhurin Kājī, who were arrested [by us] and give up your territories that we seized. It is [however] not the dharma for a king to arrest and send back Samārpa Lāmā who came to us to seek refuge.”

[8r]

Upon receiving this [letter], Minister Ṭuṃṭhvāṅg wrote in clear terms to the Gorkhā Mahārāja: “If you arrest and send Samārpa Lāmā, our mutual friendship will continue. Otherwise, it will definitely come to an end. Do not write to me anymore from now on!”

[The battle for Kukuraghāṭa and Kerung, retreat to Rasuvā]

The following day, Minister Ṭuṃṭhvāṅg and his troops marched to the fort of Kukuraghāṭa147 via Jhuṅgā, where they had a dispute with the local police officer thānedāra of the Gorkhā Mahārāja and laid siege to the fort. [In July, 1792]148 he proceeded to Kerung. In Kerung, too, a thānedāra of the Gorkhā Mahārāja and his troops were on high alert within the fort.

Śatrubhañjana Malla (text: Satrubhanjana Malla)149 with his troops also travelled from Kerung to Kukuraghāṭa to provide support. [However] on their way at a location called Pāṅgusi150 , the troops from both sides engaged in a heavy fight. As the Chinese troops was larger than the Gorkhā Mahārāja’s troops, two subedāras and up to two hundred soldiers [from the latter’s side] were killed.

Satrubhanjan Malla killed the saradāras of the Chinese army and two to four ambans using his sword, but also sustained with two to four wounds himself. He then left [the location], reached Kerung, and joined subbāPhuvāra who was stationed at the fort there. The Chinese troops surrounded the Kerung fort and a large-scale battle between both sides ensued for six to seven days. Despite this, the head of the Gorkhā Mahāraja’s fort did not surrender.

[8v]

In the middle of the night, the Chinese troops set fire to the ammunition dump, and the entire ammunition, including gunpowder, burnt down. As the Gorkhā Mahārāja’s troops was smaller and the one of Chinese was enormous, the latter could surround the fort from three directions. Despite this, the thānedāra of the Gorkhā Mahārāja and his small remaining soldiers came out of the fort and fought back. Both sides suffered casualities. Eventually, the remaining subbā, saradāra and soldiers of the Gorkhā Mahārāja fled from the fort and arrived at a location called Rasuvā151 , which was previously under the control of the Gorkhā Mahārāja.

On the following day, the Chinese troops pursued them and caught up with them at a bridge crossing the Betrāvatī river at Rasuvā, where a three-day battle ensued. When the Chinese troops were unable to defeat them, they constructed a new provisional bridge and launched a surprise attack on the army of the Gorkhā Mahārāja. The saradāra and subbās of the Gorkhā Mahārāja were unable to resist and fled from Rasuvā. The Chinese troops then proceeded to Ṭimure152 .

[Retreat to Syāphru, Dhunche, Deurālī and Ramche]

After receiving news of an upcoming major battle at the fort of Kerung Killā, the troops sent for support by the Gorkhā Mahārāja arrived at a place called Syāphru153 . The Chinese troops also left Ṭimure and both troops confronted each other at Syāphru. The battle using canons and rifles continued for three days and nights. Since the Chinese army was unable to advance through the main route, they took an alternative route near the snowy mountains and suddenly arrived in front of the troops of the Gorkhā Mahārāja’s troops, who were unable to withstand this attack and [were forced] to flee.

[9r]

[Meanwhile] the troops sent earlier by the Gorkhā Mahārāja for support, consisting of kājī Dāmodara Pā̃ḍe, saradāra Paravala Rānā154 , and saradāra Bhā…155 , had reached Dhunche (text: Dhuṃce) and positioned themselves there. The Chinese troops arrived there too, and a fight ensued with canons, rifles, swords, and arrows for three days and nights. The Gorkhā Mahārāja’s troops continued fighting, but could not defeat the Chinese. The troops of the Gorkhā Mahārāj including subedāra Jagaval, subedāra Bhāskara Ḍhaleta and soldiers had aleready positioned for battle near Syāphru in a place called Deurālī156 on a hill. The Chinese troops arrived there as well and encircled the place from all four direcions. However, the subedāra and others from the Gorkhā Mahārāja attacked the Chinese forces from three directions. Then the Chinese troops consting of 10-12,000 soldiers157 came from the fourth side, killed both subedāras and soldiers of the Gorkhā Mahārāja and seized the place. On the Chinese side, one amban was killed. The place Deurālī is on the top of the hill. When the Chinese troops staioned there, the troops of the Gorkhā Mahārāja stationed in Dhunche below the hill. Since the troops of Gorkhā Mahārāja was in the lowland, they realised that fighting there was not a great idea. Therefore they left Dhunche and stationed at Kabhre158 (text: Kābhryā).

[Retreat to Dhaibuṃ and return of hostages]

After this, the Gorkhā Mahārāja understood that the Chinese army is great in number and, therefore, dispersed a large army consisting of cautariyāKābhryā Kṛṣṇa Sāha, kājī Bom Sāha, kājīAbhimāna Siṃ, kājīDhokal Siṃ, saradāraSatru Sāla, and [other] subedāras with war ammunition such as canons, arrows, bows, etc. They all the reached a place called Dhaibuṃ.

[9v]

Afterwards, Chinese troops arrived in Kabhre, and both sides confronted each other, but in the end, the Chinese troops fled from there and stationed themselves at a place called Rāmacyā159 that lies between Dhunche and Kabhre. Several Chinese soldiers fell down from the hill and died.

On that occasion, the Gorkhā Mahārāja returned the previously captured Chinese soldiers along with a messenger who carried a letter written to Ṭuṃṭhvāṅg. Once the letter reached the commander of the Chinese army, he inquired about the well-being of the Gorkhā Mahārāja and made the following request: “Rāmacyā is a very small palace, and it is not suitable to the army to be stationed there. Dhaibuṃ is a much larger place. Therefore, out of friendship, make an arrangement to let my troops reach the other side of Betrāvatī river and be stationed there. Then, we, the head of the troops, ministers and saradāras will gather in Dhaibuṃ and make negotiations. Until the negotiations are completed, soldiers from both sides should not fire and the river shall not be crossed by them.” This was then message conveyed [in the letter] to the Gorkhā Mahārāja.

When the Gorkhā Mahārāja learned the details of saradāra Bhīkaṃ’s letter, he issued the following order to his noblemen: “Leave Dhaibuṃ with troops, cross the Betrāvatī river, and make fortifications along the main route160 in Lacābuk, Cugdi, Dudhyā hills, Tuinthalā161 , and Nuwakot.” The noblemen carried out the Gorkhā Mahārāja’s order. Then, saradāras and the head of the Chinese troops and his soldiers came to Dhaibuṃ/Kābhre with their war ammunition and huge canons and made fortifications there.

[10r]

On that occasion, the Gorkhā Mahārāja returned kājī Dhurin, Aitu, and three other Chinese soldiers, who were earlier captured, to the Chinese Minister. They were accompanied by the kājīsRaṃjit Pā̃ḍe, Bhoṭu Pāḍe, and the ṭaksārīNarasiṃ. These three noblemen of the Gorkhā Mahārāja reached there, where the Chinese Minister asked them whether the news of Sāmarpā’s death he heard was true or false. The kājīs and the ṭaksarī replied: “Your people, kājī Dhurin, etc., have seen it with their own eyes. Please ask them.” After three days, the Chinese Minister sent a letter to the Gorkhā Mahārāja, stating: “Nuwakot will be a suitable place for us, so empty it. I will come to Nuwakot with my troops to be stationed there. The venerable Mahārāja and venerable Sāheba (Kirkpatrick) should come to Nuwakot to meet me there. At that occasion, we will ensure [safety], make necessary arrangements, and I will leave Nuwakot and go to my own country with my big troops.” This much was written in the letter to the Gorkhā Mahārāja162 .

[The Minister] told kājīRaṃjita Pãḍe in another letter: “Please inquire about this matter within three days and return. If not, I will go to Nuwakot with my troops.” Kājī Raṃjita Pãḍe then reported all of this to the Gorkhā Mahārāja. The Gorkhā Mahārāja understood from the details of the Minister's letter that he [the Chinese Emperor] had no intention of making a treaty. As a result, the frontiers and houses were fortified even more. He then wrote a letter to Navāb Governor General Lord Aralkā Khanvansa {Earl Cornwallis, the head of the [British] army, seeking assistance assuming that the Company Government was a true friend, and sent it to Kolkatta.

[10v]

The Gorkhā Mahārāja also responded to the [Chinese] Minister's letter, stating: “If you agree to make friendship, you may be stationed at Dhaibuṃ. Nuvakot belongs to Nepal and you may not be stationed there.” The Minister became annoyed by this point in the letter of the Gorkhā Mahārāja and did not reply. Instead he started to construct a second bridge across the Betrāvatī River to reach Nuwakot with his troops.

[Confrontation and peace offer at Betrāvatī]

Upon hearing this news, the Gorkhā Mahārāja issued an royal order hukuma to his kājīs and bhāradāras: “Attack them and push them back! Do not cross the river where the Minister is positioned with the army of the Emperor.”

On the second day, the Minister himself emerged from his tent, took out his binoculars, and deployed the same amban and military troops that had defeated the Gorkhāli troops at Deurālī (text: Devarāli), along with two cannons, across the Betrāvatī bridge. The troops then crossed the river and divided into two groups. One group attacked the fort at Caphādī to take it over, while the other marched towards Dudhīya (text: Dudyā) mountain.

On the eighth day, after two praharas had passed, the sardāra and bharādāras of the Gorkhā Mahārāja's army had strengthened their position. Both armies clashed in the middle of the way, exchanging gunfire and later using swords.

[11r]

The Gorkhā Mahārāja's troops had the advantage of higher ground, whereas the Chinese troops were on a lower ground. Therefore they were able to withstand the fight and force the Chinese troops to flee. Several Chinese soldiers were killed, while only a few of the Gorkhā Mahārāja's soldiers lost their lives. Some Chinese troops panicked, fell down from the mountain and died, while others jumped into the Betrāvatī river and drowned.

After realising that his troops had been defeated and had fled, the Minister watched them through his binoculars and issued the following order: “Establish a strong checkpoint at the Betrāvatī bridge and do not allow any fleeing soldier who cross the Betrāvatī river to pass. Chop off the nose of anyone who tries to cross, and also send additional troops.” The Minister himself came to this side of the bridge with thirteen cannons. At that time, the Gorkhā Mahārāja's troops at the checkpoint pushed back the Chinese troops to Betrāvatī. Since the Chinese troops were in a hurry, they were unable to complete building a new bridge. In their rush to cross the bridge, many Chinese soldiers drowned in the Betrāvatī. The remaining soldiers threw two cannons into the river out of fear of the Gorkhā Mahārāja's troops, and many of them jumped into the river and died. When the Minister witnessed the defeat of his troops, he opened the way over the old bridge. One of his sardāraamban broke his leg while fleeing, and the remaining soldiers carried him on their back and joined the Minister's troops. However, he died three days later. The battle between the Gorkhā Mahārāja's troops and the Chinese troops guarding the old bridge was fought using guns. There was a small hill near the bridge, and the Chinese Minister took the cannon unit to this hill and fired at the Gorkhā Mahārāja's troops.

[11v]

As the Chinese army could not construct a defense out of wood and stone, they made a wall using the dead bodies of their own [troops] who had died painfully on the spot. The fight continued until dark, and both sides returned to their camps. The Minister also went back to his sleeping tent.

On the following day, the Minister summoned Bhoṭu Pāḍe and ṭaksāri Narasiṃ and spoke to them, saying: “When both our troops engange in battle, sometime we win, and sometimes we are defeated. In such a situation no one should feel discouraged. Previously, I had sent an order to the Gorkhā Mahārāja stating that we would settle the matter upon arriving in Nuvakot. I had also ordered my own troops to stay at this side of the bridge. Despite this, we suffered losses (lit. ‘my troops died’). Let us consider this a [tragic] play, which I myself watched. The people and the poor population must now feel extremely terrified. The Gorkhā Mahārāja and the British Resident163 need not worry about abandoning Nuvakot as I have decided to abandon my intention of marching to Nuvakot. [Therefore] it is not necessary for the venerable Mahārāja and venerable saheba [i.e. the British resident] to come to Nuvakot. Now I will write a few points to the venerable Mahārāja to please him. You, too, write to him to accept to what I will write. If we can agree on the terms, I will withdraw with my troops from this realm to my own realm, report to the Chinese Emperor, persuade him, and arrange for many gifts khillat to be sent to the venerable Gorkhā Mahārāja and the venerable saheba.”

[12r]

Having spoken to [Bhoṭu] Pāḍe and taksāri [Narsiṃ], he [the Minister] said the following: “If Sāmarpā were alive I would have taken him. If he has died by the Allmighty’s will, send his remains, valuables, servants and the following items seized from the Gorkhā Mahārāja [to the Emperor] in order to show that I successfully recovered: valuables seized and brought from Ḍigarcā, along with some bolts of Chinese silk, and golden vessels that were looted from Ḍigarcā including the best presents granted by the Chinese Emperor to Tasilemuṃ Lāmā of Ḍigarcā. Also send the dharmapatra that was signed in Kerung because of the fraud by Sāmarpā. We will also return the document from Lhasa and tear up both documents. Then there will be no hostility between our two sides. You should write an arji to the Chinese Emperor and send an exceptional tribute (tohaphā) along with one of the four kājīs. As soon as the kājī arrives with the listed commodities and the arji, I will withdraw with my troops from this region and return to my own realm. If, however, you do not comply with my proposal, I will not withdraw with my troops, but instead I will definitely march into Nepāla. In this matter, it would be very prudent if the venerable Mahārāja and the venerable sāheba sit down with their kājīs and negotiate a treaty with the Chinese Emperor. Act in accordance with my instructions and send the aforementioned letters as soon as possible. If it happens that you think it is wise to engage in a battle, also reply quickly. I will then make preparations prepare for war.” This letter was sent by the Chinese Minister to the Gorkhā Mahārāja.

[12v]

After reading the particulars of the letter, the Gorkhā Mahārāja consulted with his kājīs and bhāradāras. At that occasion, the Chinese troops accompanying the Minister were afflicted with a fever, which caused many of them to die. The lack of sufficient food supplies aggravated the situation, as the Chinese troops could not store food for a long time. In this way the Chinese troops suffered in many ways. The Chinese Minister repeatedly reminded the Gorkhā Mahārāja to send a reply to his letter.

In the meantime, a letter arrived from the Lāṭha Sāheba (i.e., Governor General) in Calcutta in reply to the Gorkhā Mahārāja's letter, stating the following: “You should do whatever is good to maintain friendship with the Chinese Emperor, this will make things better. In order to strengthen the friendship between both sides, I will dispatch Captain Valiyam Kirikpātarik (William Kirkpatrick) Sāheba Bahādura.” After considering what the Minister and the Lāṭha Sahāba had written, the Gorkhā Mahārāja concluded that it would be best to show respect to the Chinese Emperor and worst to be at enmity with him.

[13r]

After making necessary arrangements, the Gorkhā Mahārāja sent kājīDevadatta Thāpā, subbāPratiman Rānā and Jit Sāhi, muttasadiBalabhadra and fifty persons together with an arji and the following items to the [Forbidden] City of China (i.e., Beijing): the bones of Sāmarpā Lāmā, his servants, his commodities and valuables; and some silver and bolts of Chinese silk presented to Ṭasilemuṃ Lāmā of Ḍigarcā by the Chinese Emperor and then seized [by the Gorkhā Mahārāja], and extraordinary gifts meant for the Chinese Emperor164 .

[The arrangement of Betrāvatī]

The Kājī and the commodities travelled with the Minister, while the Gorkhā Mahārāja also sent [many] hospitality gifts to the Minister. After negotiations, both parties agreed on the following terms165 :

• after five years a vakila of the Gorkhā Mahārāja, will go with an arji and tributes (saugāt) to the Chinese Emperor, pay darśana and report back with the tidings.

• The Gorkhā Mahārāja and the king of Lhasa (i.e., the Dalai Lama) would maintain their friendship and not fight again, and both parties would keep their own territories as before.

• It was [further] decided that, in transactions in Bhoṭ, the unalloyed mahindramallī of the Gorkhā Mahārāja would be accepted as unalloyed coins, and the adultered coins would be given the value of adultered coins.

• If any enemy attempted to attack the troops of the Gorkhā Mahārāja, this should be reported to the Chinese Emperor so that he could send an army and amunition for help.

Both parties agreed to this agreement.

The Minister, along with his troops and the kājī and others of the Gorkhā Mahārāja, left Dhaibuṃ and returned to his realm. Then the aforementioned bhāradāras, ṭaksārī and pãḍe of the Gorkhā Mahārāja accompanied the Minister on a four-day walk to Kerung.

[13v]

There, the Minister wrote a letter to the Gorkhā Mahārāja, handed over extraordinary gifts [meant for the Gorkhā Mahārāja] to the bhāradāras, and awarded them with medals. He also took care of the injured soldiers and allowed them to return [to his country].

Following the Minister's orders, the bhāradāras stationed in Kerung for twenty-two days, sent the injured Chinese soldiers and other commodities, such as tents, to the north (i.e., China), and then they themselves headed towards Nepāla from Kerung. After that, Bhoṭo Pãḍe and ṭakasārī Narsiṃ presented the letter and the gifts given by the Minister to the Gorkhā Mahārāja, and they also conveyed to him all the details proposed by the Minister.

Cān Cun, head of the troops, stationed in Listi, wrote a letter to the Gorkhā Mahārāja out of great affection as he had previously done. In reply, the Gorkhā Mahārāja sent [materials] for a feast and gifts to Cān Cun. After receiving the letter and gifts, Cān Cun became very happy and sent a letter and gifts back to the Gorkhā Mahārāja.

On the 2nd day of the bright fortnight of Kārttika, he (Cān Cun and his troops) left the place called Listi and returned to his own realm. In the meantime, the Minister had reached the plateau of Ṭingri passing Kerung and Jhuṃgā. Then Can Cūn, the head of the troops, left this site and met the earlier group at Ṭingri (text Ṭigari) and left for the other side (i.e., China).

[Subjugation of Tibet]

Once the Minister and the head166 of the troops reached Lhasa, they left there the three lāmās of Ḍigarcā, Sāṃkhyā and Lhasa. Then, they arrested the noblemen of Bhoṭ and their companions, the staff etc. and Dhyāmju Kājī and Dhuren Kājī, the two brothers of the (Dalai) Lama of Lhasa, together with Ṭāvā Kājī.

[14r]

They got angry with the previous ṭhānedāra and amban of Lhasa and fettered them all stating: “It was reasonable that you had to fight when the Gorkhā Mahārāja’s troops came to Ḍigarcā. You persuaded Teṣu Lāmā, caused him to flee from Ḍigarcā and brought him to Lhasa.” In place of these two ambans, they placed other two ambans and about five hundred soldiers as thānedāra in Lhasa. Having done so they departed from Lhasa to the other side in the month of Phālguna.

Due to the hot season and strong winds blowing across Lhasa and the surrounding areas, many Chinese soldiers of Cān Cūn were injured in the territories of Gorkhā Mahārāja, [including] Syāphru, Dhaibuṃ, and Ṭimure, and died at Nyārūm. Forced labourers (begāri) from the Bhoṭ realm were brought in to bury the corpses. Since they could not find enough wood [in the forests] to burn the corpses they took it from the houses. Many people in Bhoṭ also died from smallpox, leading to the destruction of the Bhoṭ realm. As a result, the two-way trading route was closed.

While the kājī of the King (i.e., the Gorkhā Mahārāja) and the (Dalai) Lama of Bhoṭ previously held some political authority, they (the Tibetans) are now considered subjects/cultivators (raiyata) of China. In Bhoṭ, Chinese order is followed for any task. These notes were written as events occurred.


Commentary

The document that is also known as the “Gorkha Memorial167 ” describes the events and circumstances of the wars between Tibet, China and Nepal that occurred from 1788 until 1792.

It begins with a dispute between Nepal and Tibet/China over border and trade issues, particularly Nepal's monopoly on minting silver coins for Tibet. The debasing of these coins by the Malla kings, resulting in less and less silver content and “a decrease of nearly one half of their value168 ,” caused Tibet to react, leading to unfavorable trade conditions for both countries. In response, King Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa Śāha minted coins with the proper alloy but refused to buy back all of the debased currency.

In 1788, this conflict resulted in an attack on Tibet launched by the Gorkhali army and in the occupation of significant portions of Tibet’s southern territory. Tibet was subsequently forced to pay tributes to Nepal, including an annual sum of 50,000 Rupees. However, as Tibet failed to fulfill these conditions, Nepal, under the formal leadership of the infant King Raṇa Bahādura Śāha (r. 1775-1816) and his uncle Regent Bahādura Śāha (r. 1785-94), invaded Tibet once again in 1791. During this invasion, they captured Shigatse, looted the monastery of the Panchen Lama, and detained Kājī Dhurin and Kājī Aitu. This was all made possible after Shyāmarpā Lāmā, the brother of the late Panchen Lama in the Tashilhumpo monastery near Shigatse, sought refuge in Kathmandu and allegedly informed the Gorkha king about the monastery's great wealth169 .

This was the moment when Tibet appealed to the Emperor for support, as the Qing held a protective role over Tibet. The Emperor decided to drive out the Gorkhalis from Tibet and initiated a punitive170 expedition under the command of Fu-kang-an (also called Cān Cun) with an army of reportedly 70,000 or 125,000 soldiers into the heart of Nepal. This campaign is listed in the “Ten Great Campaigns” (Shiquan Wugong) of the Qing, which is believed to have been written by Qianlong171 .

Bahādura Śāha was extremely fearful of the Emperor's punitive expedition and issued an executive order rukkā granting land for the purpose of performing “two hundred thousand puraścaraṇas of the mahāsahasracaṇḍī172 ” at the time of the Chinese invasion, which ended in autumn 1792 in Nuvakot, a day's journey from Kathmandu. In a brutal battle that resulted in thousands of casualties on both sides, the Chinese troops were met with strong counterattacks. After six months of intense fighting, in September 1792, Nepal and China signed a contract, the Treaty of Betrāvatī. Colonel Kirkpatrick, Lord Cornwallis' emissary and mediator between the two parties, arrived too late to intervene.

The outcome of the war did not have a clear victor, although both sides claimed victory. For example, the Nepālikabhūpavaṃśāvalī (commonly known as the Wright Chronicle) 20.92 (p. 135) states: “[Raṇa Bahādura Śāha] killed the Chinese army. He thus caused the Chinese Emperor to praise him.” On the other hand, Wei Yuan writes: “Therefore, the rebels' [i.e., the Gorkhalis'] request for surrender was granted173 .” Similarly, the Emperor wrote in an inscription from 1792 engraved upon a stone slab below the Potala in Lhasa: “Now that the Gurkhas have submitted to me, the Imperial army has been withdrawn174 .”

The result of the Sino-Nepalese war can indeed “be best described as a stalemate. There was no real winner175 .” Nevertheless, Nepal successfully maintained its territorial integrity and sovereignty but lost its rights and coinage privileges in Tibet and had to acknowledge, albeit only in a formal sense, China's suzerainty, by sending quinquennial missions to Beijing176 . This acknowledgment was made through the practice of sending quinquennial missions to Beijing as agreed upon by King Bahādura Śāha and Emperor Qianlong at Betrāvatī near Nuvakot, most likely on October 2, 1792177 . In the following century, a total of eighteen missions were sent to China, with regular missions between 1792 and 1852, followed by only five missions afterwards178 .

The Treaty of Betrāvātī marked the conclusion of the war, but it resulted in significant losses for Nepal and had a detrimental impact on Nepal's economic well-being. Among the losses incurred, in addition to the loss of lives, was Nepal's suzerainty over Lhasa and other Tibetan regions that had been maintained since the Malla period. The economic crisis caused by this loss played a significant role in Nepal's defeat in the Anglo-Nepal war (1814-1816). In hindsight, it can be argued that Nepal might have been able to avoid a conflict with China had it pursued diplomatic negotiations instead.

What does the Sandhi contribute to a better understanding of the Sino-Nepalese war? First, it must be stated that the reliability of the document has been called into question by scholars such as Camman (1951: 111). Nevertheless, it should be noted that in many details, the document aligns with other sources, and its overall assessment appears to be fair. This primarily concerns the description of the military events that support the argument that Nepal did not lose the war despite its gradual retreats. On the contrary, it was China that failed to make significant progress, did not reach Kathmandu only to establish an amban as a symbol of suzerainty. It appears that all parties involved in the conflict learned valuable lessons: China realized the formidable barrier posed by the Himalayas, Tibet recognized its farreaching dependence on China, Nepal understood the need to halt its expansionist ambitions, and British India realized the futility of attempting to conquer Nepal. As a result, the document confirms the position that, despite setbacks and losses, Nepal managed to solidify its position between the superpowers of China and British India, while Tibet remained in an unresolved status without gaining independence.


Notes

1. RRC_0030_0001 सौदागर र []

2. RRC_0030_0001 यत्ती []

3. RRC_0030_0001 महाराजले म []

4. RRC_0030_0001 लडाञी कै []

5. RRC_0030_0001 सिकारजुंङ्० []

6. RRC_0030_0001 सिकारजुंङ् []

7. RRC_0030_0001 सिकारजुंङ् []

8. RRC_0030_0001 विचमा []

9. RRC_0030_0001 सिकारजुंङ्‌को []

10. RRC_0030_0001 सिकारजुंबाट []

11. RRC_0030_0001 वादसाहाले []

12. RRC_0030_0001 चाँचुँ []

13. RRC_0030_0001 खजांची []

14. RRC_0030_0001 सामरपा लामाझी []

15. RRC_0030_0001 वं साह []

16. RRC_0030_0001 सिकारजुंङ्‌मा []

17. RRC_0030_0001 लासाको []

18. RRC_0030_0001 लंगुर []

19. RRC_0030_0001 मल्या० []

20. RRC_0030_0001 अम्बा []

21. RRC_0030_0001 पेकिन []

22. RRC_0030_0001 पेकिन []

24. RRC_0030_0001 मुनसंकी []

25. RRC_0030_0001 मिलाप []

26. RRC_0030_0001 ऊठन्याको []

27. RRC_0030_0001 लैजानु []

28. RRC_0030_0001 मुतसकीले []

29. RRC_0030_0001 मुतसकी []

30. RRC_0030_0001 मुतसकी []

31. RRC_0030_0001 मुतसकीले []

32. RRC_0030_0001 परवल []

33. RRC_0030_0001 सुब्बा []

34. RRC_0030_0001 भारलहरूलाई []

35. RRC_0030_0001 निगहावानी []

36. RRC_0030_0001 गरी म []

37. RRC_0030_0001 काजीगैह्रलाई []

38. RRC_0030_0001 असवाव []

40. RRC_0030_0001 दगाको []

41. RRC_0030_0001 जमीन []

42. RRC_0030_0001 असवाव []

43. RRC_0030_0001 गर्नु []

44. RRC_0030_0001 ईमावक्त; Ācārya (VS 2011) इमांवक्स []

45. RRC_0030_0001 छेमदुक []

46. RRC_0030_0001 सुब्बा []

47. RRC_0030_0001 आजीत []

48. RRC_0030_0001 कवजामा []

49. RRC_0030_0001 चापवाला []

50. RRC_0030_0001 जगालाई []

51. RRC_0030_0001 चापवाला []

52. RRC_0030_0001 जव त []

53. RRC_0030_0001 पठायाका []

54. RRC_0030_0001 वजिर []

55. RRC_0030_0001 नीसाना []

56. RRC_0030_0001 ढुरीन []

57. RRC_0030_0001 नालेस []

58. RRC_0030_0001 टुटाङ् []

59. RRC_0030_0001 वजिरलाई []

60. RRC_0030_0001 वजिर []

61. RRC_0030_0001 ठानादार []

62. RRC_0030_0001 पांसी []

63. RRC_0030_0001 चीनि []

64. RRC_0030_0001 केरूँमा []

65. RRC_0030_0001 ठानेदारले []

66. RRC_0030_0001 पछेवा []

67. RRC_0030_0001 गढीको []

68. RRC_0030_0001 भीकंछेउ []

69. RRC_0030_0001 जगा छ []

70. RRC_0030_0001 गरुं []

72. RRC_0030_0001 षली गरी []

73. RRC_0030_0001 मुर्चा []

74. RRC_0030_0001 पालबाट []

75. RRC_0030_0001 चकदीको []

76. RRC_0030_0001 वजिर्ले []

77. RRC_0030_0001 नर्सिं० []

78. RRC_0030_0001 गुरुबा []

79. RRC_0030_0001 राषदीन []

80. RRC_0030_0001 थीया []

81. RRC_0030_0001 तिमीहरुको []

82. RRC_0030_0001 तासी लीमु []

85. RRC_0030_0001 फारी []

86. RRC_0030_0001 षानु []

87. RRC_0030_0001 तागीती []

88. RRC_0030_0001 ताले लिंबु []

90. RRC_0030_0001 पेकिन् []

91. RRC_0030_0001 अक्रार []

92. RRC_0030_0001 गोर्षै []

93. RRC_0030_0001 मेहेरवानीले []

94. RRC_0030_0001 छ्याँजु []

95. RRC_0030_0001 चारजातका []

96. RRC_0030_0001 सोधयु []

97. RRC_0030_0001 वेरान []

98. RRC_0030_0001 भयाको छ []

99. A town in the Rasuwa district near Betrāvatī; see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dhaibung or https://mapcarta.com/28310060. []

100. This war is known as the Sino-Nepalese War, also called Gorkha-China war 1791-93. []

101. This is the Emperor’s “most renowned military commander” (Rose 1971: 54) and Minister Fu-kang-an (Fúkāng'ān, 1748-1796), also called Tu Thang or Tu Thyang (see below); cp. Aachary 2018: 71: “Chiang Chung (in some history books his name is given as Fu Kang’an)”; Manandhar 2004: 90: “General Fu-K’ang-an (Thung Thang Chan Cun).” According to Rose (1971: 56f.) Fu-kang-an seemingly called himself “Chanchoo” (Cān Cun in this document). According to B.R. Bajracharya 1992: 315, “Fu-Kang-an and Thung Thang Chan Chun are the names of the same person, nominated by the Emperor to command his army against Nepal.” In this document, too, it mostly seems that Fuk'anggan and Cān Cun are one individual. []

102. The Nepalese coins were valid until 1792, when Fu-kang-an introduced Tibet's first own currency; see Dabringhaus (1994: 189). []

103. Meanwhile Raṇa Bahdura Śāha had been inthroned. []

104. It appears that the Tibetans used adulterated and unadulterated coins interchangeably, considering them to hold the same value, cp. Stiller 1975: 193. []

106. Also called Shikharjong, Shekar Dzong and Shelkar, a place near Shigatse; see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shelkar. []

107. This refers to the Sākya Monastery at Tashilhunpo (Tib. bKra shis lhun po), west of Shigatse (= Ḍigarcā); see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sakya_Monastery. []

108. According to Shakabpa (1967: 158f.), there were 5,000 troops, or according to Regmi (1975,1: 432), 5,800 troops, along with 3,000 porters. On the other hand, the Tibetan forces consisted of 18,000 troops as stated by Regmi (1975,1: 431). []

109. A place on the way to Shigatse, also spelled Shikarjong, Shikar jong (Lévi 1905: II, 238 and 279) or Shekar Dzong (Rose 1971: 38); cp. fn. 6. []

110. Lobsang Palden Yeshe (Tib. Blo-bzang dPal-ldan Ye-shes) was the 6th Panchen Lama (also known as Tashi Lama or Teshu Lama) or abbot of the Tashilhunpo Monastery, one of Tibet’s most important Geluk monasteries, that was founded in Shigatse in 1447 by the First Dalai Lama, Gendun Drub (Tib. dGe-'dun Grub-pa). []

111. This is a town now located in the Tibetan Autonomous Region. In Tibetan it is known as Kyirong, Gyirong or Keyrong (Tib. Skyid grong); see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kyirong_Town. []

112. This town at the border is also called Nyalam in Chinese and Tibetan (Bnya’ lam), see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nyalam_Town. []

113. Also spelt Jhonga (D.R. Bajracharya 1992: 293). This refers to Dzongka in Tibet; see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dzongka; cp. also Rose 1971: 38. []

114. This probably refers to Chin. Pǔ lā cūn or Nep. Phula, a hamlet in Shigatse, see https://mapcarta.com/N2527671819. []

115. As mentioned above, there is a compelling possibility that the individual referred to as the son-in-law of the Emperor is indeed the same person as Fuk'anggan; see Regmi 1975,1: 464 and Theobald 2020: 127. Fu-kang-an is also spelled Chiang Chung (Acharya 2018: 71) or Thung Thang Chan Cun (Manandhar 2014/I: 90). []

116. 2,000 troops according to Shakabpa 1967: 158; cp. Regmi 1975,1: 433. []

117. This kājī or (Tib.) kalon (bka’blon) was the cabinet minister Doring Tenzin Peljor (Tib. bsTan ’dzin dpal ’byor), 1765-1811?; see Erhard 2020 (http://treasuryoflives.org/biographies/view/Doring-Tenzin-Peljor/5306). Acharya (2018: 72) calls him: “Kazo Doren of Lhasa”, and 74f.:“Dhurin Kazi Tenzin”; Bahadur Shaha’s Report (p. 180): “Dhurin Kazi” (Bajrācārya/Nepāla 1957/1970: 70); Regmi (1975,1: 434): “Doring Kazi Sonam Tenjen Oajo Ochsering”; D.R. Bajracharya (1992: 296): “Kaji Doring”. []

118. Also called Dibuk (Regmi 1975,1: 434) and Cin Devuka (Rezavi 1983). []

119. The title of Shamarpa Lāmā (Tib. Zhwa dmar ba, var. Zhamarpa), which translates as “Holder of the Red Crown,” designates the second oldest lineage of reincarnated lāmās within the Karma Kagyu school of Tibetan Buddhism. The Shamar Rinpoche holds a prominent position within this tradition. In the context of the present document, the 10th Shamarpa, Mipham Chodrub Gyatsho (Tib. zhwa dmar pa 10 chos grub rgya mtsho,1741/1742–1793, see https://treasuryoflives.org/biographies/view/Tenth-Zhamarpa,-Chodrub-Gyatso/TBRC_P831), plays a significant role. He was not only a respected figure but also a stepbrother to Tashi Lama or the 6th Panchen Lama, Lobsan Palden Yeshe. Additionally, he served as the head of the Yangpachen Monastery, located near Lhasa. []

120. For this treaty, see the Chinese version edited and translated by Komatsubara 2017; for the delegations see ibid. and Sreedhar 1988: App. II, p. 262. []

121. Shakabpa (1967: 161) mentions a secret addendum to the treaty of Kerung stating the Gorkhalis would reduce the the amount of tribute after the first year of so requested by “a senior and responsible Tibetan official.” []

122. Lagula or Lugula Himal (= Khumbu Himal) is a range of mountain peaks located on the border to Tibet in the north-western region of Nepal, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lugula_Himal. []

123. Acharya (2018: 73): “Muta Jin and Tagta Jin.” []

124. In the Treaty of Keruṃ of 18 July 1789, 50,001 rupees were mutually agreed (see Acharya 2018: 74). In the Chinese version it is 300 yuanbao (Komatsubara 2017: 184). []

125. Probably Phalāvāṅ, see above, or perhaps Phalyak near Jomsom, see https://mapcarta.com/28289336. []

126. As it seems, there is a lack of an authoritative document for these agreements (summarized, for example, in Stiller 1975: 199f.), commonly referred to as the 1789 treaty. Significant discrepancies can be observed among various sources, when comparing the Nepali-Tibetan and Chinese sources concerning its content and specifics, as discussed by Rose (1971: 42) and Regmi (1975,1: 433f). The closest available Nepali text can be found in Itihāsaprakāśa,1: 53, where the sum is 50,001 rupees and the witnesses are listed and in the Chinese version published in Hanwen Lufu (in Komatsubara 2017). The title of the document is gorkhā mahārāja kana lāsābhoṭkā rājale 50001 ru. prativarṣa dine karadasandhi – saṃvat 1846 śrāvaṇamā keruṅmā, and the exact date is VS 1846 śrāvaṇa vadi 12 roj 1. See also the documents gorkhā ra bhoṭako mudrā sandhi (ibid., p. 20) and keruṅsandhisanbandhi patra gorkhābhārālāī-samvat 1843 bhādrā mā (p. 53), through which all participants of the expedition were recalled to Kathmandu. []

127. Also called Hari Shah (Rose 1971: 45). []

128. Chinese sources mention four audiences only, see Rose 1971: 45. []

129. The Manchu title Erdeni Wang, “Brilliant King“, or according to Haenisch (1838: 32), “Noble Prince” (German “Edel-Prinz”). []

130. Here ends Kirkpatrick’s version (i.e., Kirkpatrick 1811: App. A, 339-343). []

131. Cp. Rezavi 1983. []

132. Samārpa fled to Kathmandu as he did not receive any share or benefit in the division of the treasures following the passing of his elder brother, the Panchen Lama. Another possible reason for Samārpa's flight to Kathmandu could have been his fear stemming from rumors that the Panchen Lama was murdered or commited suicide in Beijing, see Stiller 1975: 196 and 203. []

133. Chin. (Wei Yüan): the Governor-General of Sze-ch‘uan O-hui and the Penchen-General Ch’-eng-the (cp. Haenisch 1959: 9); In Raṇa Bahādura Śāha’s letter from 1792: Itu Kājī; Shakabpa (1967: 158) spells him Shen T’ai-tu. Cp. Manandhar (2004: 76): “and two other Generals Ao-hui and Cheng-the.” []

134. Also called Changlochen, an army officer (Tib. dapon), see Shakagpa 1967: 158. []

136. Damodar Pande (1752-1804) was the first Prime Minister (mūlakājī) of Nepal. []

137. A place in Upper Mustang district, also called Chusum, see https://nepal.places-in-the-world.com/7971788-place-chhusang.html. []

138. Probably around 18,000 troops, see Rose 1971: 52. []

139. A region west of Namche Bazaar, see https://mapcarta.com/28234070. []

140. The Manchu official and general Pa-Chung (or Pachung, Pinyin: Ba-zhong), who later commited suicide; see 昭槤 Zhao-lian, 啸亭杂录 Xiao-ting Za-lu in Michaels and XU 2025, Regmi 1975,1: 437 and D.R. Bajracharya 1992: 296-299. []

142. A city in Tibet, called Zhangmu in Chinese, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zhangmu. []

143. Or muskets: see Boulnois 1989: 109 and Regmi 1975,1: 467. []

144. Cp. Acharya 2018: 89. []

145. According to Raṇa Bahādura Śāha’s letter, Ṭuḍthāṅ [in the translation in Regmi Research Series: “Tung Thang” and “Tung-Thyang”, in the Nepālikabhūpavaṃśāvalī 20.91 Thuṃmaṃthāma] was the son-in-law of the Chinese Emperor. Regmi (1975,1: 442) calls him Tu Thwang Chan Chwang or Thung Chan Chun. He is identical with Fu’kanggan, see above fn. 3. []

146. According to Wei Yuan 70,000 (Rana 1909: 6, Levi 1905, 2: 181) or 125,000 soldiers (Sandhi VS 1850, Kirkpatrick 1811: 340). []

147. A place north of Keruṃ between and Sikārajaṅg. []

148. Regmi 1975,1: 444. []

149. The commander of the troops at Kerung (Stiller 1975: 206). []

150. Probably Pāṅpoche, a place north of Namche Bazaar, see https://mapcarta.com/14911568. []

151. An area an border town in the Langtang Himal, see https://mapcarta.com/36536700. []

152. A town south of Rasuvā Fort, see https://mapcarta.com/32978100. []

153. A village at the Trishuli River, also called Syabrubesi or Syabruk, see https://mapcarta.com/N5241896806. []

154. Also spelt Prabal Rānā or Prabhal Rānā, see Regmi 1975,1: 464 and Rose 1971: 61. []

155. Text in the original is unreadable, probably Bharat Khawas, see Regmi 1975,1: 464. []

156. This refers to a place on top of a hill near Dhunche. []

157. According to Rose (1971: 59), the number of Chinese troops had risen to 13,000, while the Tibetan army had reached 7,000. []

158. Kabhre is a common name in Nepal. However, it was impossible to locate such a place name near Dhunche. []

159. Probably Ramche, see https://mapcarta.com/28310194. []

160. See Kirkpatrick 1811: 302-308 for a description of this route. []

161. These places could not be located. []

162. This and the following letter have been edited in Regmi 1975: App. V (513-519). []

163. No other sources mention the British Resident being present in the battle. []

164. See V.K. Manandhar 2000 for a description of this first of the subsequent quinquennial missions and the partly edition of the arji and the letter of Devadatta Thāpā. It also contains two lists of the presents of the 1795 mission. []

165. Cp. Itihāsa-Prakāśa VS 2012, 1: 121 and Jung 1974 for other summaries of the “Treaty”. []

166. Since the Minister and the head of the troops are the same individual, namely Cān Cun, the use of the plural form in the following context is inappropriate and creates confusion. []

167. Kirkpatrick 1811: 339, Stiller 1975: 194, Regmi 1975. For a detailed study of the Sino-Nepalese war and its Nepalese and Chinese sources see Michaels and Xu 2025. []

168. Cammann 1951: 190. []

169. Cp. Nepālikabhūpavaṃśāvalī 20.90. Rose (1971: 37) calls this an “obvious fabrication”, because the immense wealth of the monasteries were “no mystery to Kathmandu due to the thousands of Nepali traders and pilgrims who had travelde in Tibet.” []

170. Cp. Killigrew 1979: 47-9. []

171. Dabringhaus 1994: 39, 55 and 1996: 11. []

172. Girvāṇayuddha Śāha 1804; this is a ritual implying the one thousandfold recitation of the Caṇḍī, the recitational form of the Devīmāhātmya; it is also mentioned in the Nepālikabhūpavaṃśāvalī 20.92 (p. 135). As Astrid Zotter has convincingly shown, the Puraścararyārṇava (pp. 1177-8) mentions the reason for such a performance in time of distress: “In case the kingdom falls, there is a great calamity, people are killed, great danger looms, elephants are killed, horses are killed or an enemy army threatens—during these and other various forms of distress, in dangers that arise from loss, illness and so on, one should perform, or have performed, a sahasracaṇḍikā recitation” (A. Zotter’s transl. in the commentary to Girvāṇāyuddha Śāha 1804). []

173. Landon 1976,2: 280; cp. Dabringhaus 1994: 41 with references to further Chinese sources. []

174. Bell 1924: 275; Landon 1976,2: 272. []

175. Stiller 1975: 212, see also Boulnois 1989: 97. []

176. Cp. Manandhar and Mishra 1986; Manandhar 2001, Michaels 2019. []

177. The exact date and whereabouts of the signing ceremony are not clear. Rose (1971: 64) gives 30 September 1792, which is the day of the letter of the Chinese negotiator Fu K’ang-an stating the acceptance of the conditions of the Nepalese government from September 27, and October 31 for the Emperor’s ratification. B. Acharya (2013: 251) dates the event on 6 October 1792. []

178. Manandhar and Mishra 1986: 19-20; Petech 1996. []