A letter from King Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa to Bhagavantanātha re personal and foreign affairs [VS 1831]
ID: K_0469_0032
Edited and
translated by Christof Zotter
Created: 2016-08-16;
Last modified: 2023-04-03
For the metadata of the document, click here
Published by Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities: Documents on the History of Religion and Law of Pre-modern Nepal, Heidelberg, Germany, .
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Abstract
In this copy of a letter to Bhagavantanātha, King Pṛthvīnarāyaṇa gives an account of
the birth and death of his grandson, the current state of relations with Jumla,
Jajarkot and other principalities in the western mountainous area and, in the east,
the war campaign against the Kirātas and negotiations with Sikkim. Furthermore, the
king answers the
jogī's question regarding latter's stay in
Salyan, reports about the sending of emissaries to different parts of India and
Lhasa, ongoing friendly discussions with Lamjung and Kaski and problems with the
other Caubīsī principalities.
Diplomatic edition
[1r]
[seal]
1सकलवमोजींनकलदुरुस्तछभनीसहीछापगर्नेश्रीमहंत
छत्रनाथजीकाचेला
लोकनाथजी1स्वस्तिश्रीपरमहंसपरिव्राजकसकलचक्रचक्राधी
स्वरश्रीमं
माहाराजधिरा
2जश्रीश्रीश्रीश्रीश्रीश्रीमद्भगवंन्तनाथदेवदेवेषुसदास•मर
वीजईषुस्वस्तिश्रीगि
3रिराजचक्रचुडामणिनरनारा
ये़नेत्या
दीवीवीध
वीरूदाव
लीवीराजमान
मां4न्न
तःश्रीम
न्माहाराजाधिराजश्रीश्रीश्री•महारा
जेपृथ्विनारा
ये़णसाह
वाहा
5दुरसम्सेरजङ्गदेवानाम्•सदासमरवीजयि़नाम्साष्टांङ्गदंडवत्•प्रणामपु
6र्वकपत्र
मीदम्•ञाहाकुसल•ताहाचरणार•वींदछेमकुसलतैहमारोऊ•
7द्धारःहोलाआगेञाहाकोसमाचारभलोछऊप्रांन्त•कृपापत्र•स्मेत्
ससि
8धरऊपाध्या•आईपुग्यापत्रार्थमुहुजमानीवीधिवीस्तारवींन्ती•गर्यासु
9न्यौनातीपैदाभय़ोभंदासुन्यौरवहुतहर्षभञ्यौ•
¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯काकृपासैसदा
10वढतीहोलाभनीहुकुम•आये़छगर्न्या
कराऊन्याभन्याका
¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ छन्•ऊनै
[?]
कृ11पालेजन्मभय़ोथ्यो•ऊनैकाईक्ष्याले•लीनुभय़ोय़ोसंसारभन्याको•ऐस्तैछ
[...]12क्ष्या
¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯कोछपरंतुआफ्नापावलेआसीर्वादवक्स्याअरू•जन्मदाप
13नीजन्मनन्•जन्म्याकापनीचीरंजिवीहुनन्आसीर्वादवक्स्याजाव़स्
[...]14न्त•
जुमलाजाजरर्को•ट्सगघागर्न्यामीठास्वहुतराषन्याभनीहुकुम्आ
15ये़छ•वढिय़ा•ऐक्जोल्य़ामानीस•हाम्राये़तावाटजुमलागय़ाका
[...]16य़ा•ऊहावाटपनीमहतारा१वुढाथोकी १ दुईजनाजुम्लीय़ाहा•आ
17ईरह्याछन्
गोर्षाजुम्ला•कोऐकत्वागरौभलामानीसलीनआञ्युंभ
18न्नआय़ारञाहावाट
पती•
महेस्वर•पंथको•छोरो•
वीरभद्र•पंथस्मेत्•जना•
19८।१०मानिसजुमलाजांछंतय़ारभै•रह्याछंतेहीवाटो•पठाऊभंदाचौ
20वीसीले•मुष्येमानीस्•पनीसपनी•जानदे•वैनन्•मानीसजानदीय़ाप
21नीसौगात्•
तत्योवाटोजान
दे•वैतन्•भन्नानीमीत्त•हांम्रै
रूहीभोट•कोवाटो
22गरीजांछन्•आफ्ना•मानीसपनीताहावाटजुमलापठाऊन्या•जुमलाज
[...]23जर्कोट्•संग
[?]हाम्रो•वनाईवक्सन्या•वाकी
सल्ल्याना•जाजर्कोट्ला
[...]
24पनी ञाहावाटमानीस•आऊछं
पीऊठानापनीभलामानीस•आऊछन्•
25ऊप्राँन्त•कीरात
रकाकाजलाई•तरवारहुकुमवक्सीपठाय़ा
गय़ोथ्यो
26कीरातकोअँवल
मःध्येसपाहाडभोटजतीथिय़ो•आफ्नाआसीर्वाद
[...]
27सवैफत्त्येभय़ो
मध्येमहा•
कनकाई•नदीपहाडमहा
साभाषोलोतमो
28रनदीकोसाधलाग्योमानीसकाटन•पाईये़नन्भाग्योक़ती
मोङ्गला
29नातीरगय़ोकती
सुषिमतीरगय़ोझर्जङ्गल•महाजना८५वैसीकाटीय़ो
30वाकी•सुषिमसगहाम्रोघाहुनलागीरहेछ•घावन्यादेषिकीरातवाट•
31भागीजान्याकनपक्रेरहामीलाई•सौपीदीन्याछघानवन्याअव•
32हामीलेसुषिमसगलडनुपरर्न्याछसुषिमआई•जाला•आफ्नाआ
33सीर्वदलेकत्तलगरौलाऊप्रांन्त
अवमैले•
दागजान्याहोकीसल्ल्या
34नावस्नेहोभनीहुकुमआये़छ•हाम्रोवुझ्याकोत•सल्ल्यानामहाथोरो•
35य़ादरहुन्याभयादाङ्गमहाधेरैय़ादरहुन्याभय़ा•पनीसल्ल्यानैमहाव
36स्न्याहोसल्ल्यांलेकत्तीय़ादरनगर्न्या•तक्यागर्नु•होलाआदरनगर्न्या
37भय़ाछाडनैपर्ला•वाकीमंडलाई•तहिजैदेषिहामीले•आफ्नापावमाहा
38चर्हाय़ाकैछऊप्रान्त्•हाम्रा
वीस्वामीत्रऊपाध्यागंगानंदअचार्जसु
[...]39मगय़ाकाछं
वृहस्पतीपन्डीत्ः
पुरैतीँञागय़ाकाछं
कीरीटमाली•
पटना40गय़ाकाछन्
वैकुंन्ठपाध्यानवाव्
सुजादौलाछेऊगय़ाकाछन्येतीठाऊमा
41नीसवस्यैकाछन्
दीना⟪ना⟫थऊपाध्याकलकत्ता•कनगैरह्याछन्•अलीकदी
42नमहा•पुगनन् वाकी
लासापनी
भीमगीरीकोसीक्षे
राजगीरीजान्छ
43न्ईन्को
कोठीकासीमहापनी•छञाहापनीघरषेतकोठीछ•ऊप्राँन्त•
लमजूं
44सीत•पनीहाम्रोललोपोतोछदैछ
वीस्वेस्वरऊपाध्यार
सीवाघीमीर्या45वस्याकाछं
कास्कीसगपनीललोपोतोछदैछहाम्रो
वीरभद्रथापा46कास्की•वस्याकाछ•कस्कीकाजना २ वाभन्य़ाहावस्याकाछंअरू
47चौवीसीसगतहाम्रोजस्तोछआ
फनापाँवमाहामालुमैछभरिसक्येहामी
48लाई•हान्नैषोज्छन्ऊन्कोपुग्दैनरषुम्चिरह्याछंवीस्तारससिध
49रपाध्यावींतीगर्नन्
वीज्ञसु
कीमधिकंमीतीभाद्रपदसुदी६रोज
50६मुकामकाठमाडौसुभम्
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
Translation
[1r]
[seal] The copy is true to the original, as stated by Lokanāthajī, disciple of the venerable MahantaChatranāthajī.1
Hail! The venerable Paramahaṃsa,2 the supreme lord of the circle of all circles of wandering
ascetics, the venerable supreme king of great kings, the sixfold venerable3 Bhagavantanātha, a god among gods always triumphant in
war.
Hail! [A decree] of him who is shining with manifold rows of eulogy [such as] 'The
venerable crest-jewel of the multitude of mountain kings' and Naranārāyaṇa
(an epithet of Kṛṣṇa) etc., high in honour, the venerable supreme king of
great kings, the thrice venerable great king,Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa
Śāha, the brave swordsman, the divine king always triumphant in
war.
This letter is preceded by a prostration of the eight parts of the body. Here4 [we are in] good health. We shall be
gratified if there5 [your] lotus-feet are prosperous
and well (chemakusala). Moreover, the tidings are good here.
uprānta6 : Sasidhara Ūpādhyā7 has arrived with [your] kind letter
(kṛpāpatra, lit. "letter of grace"). We heard the purport of
the letter orally (?)8 enunciated by
him in all detail. [We] heard [the news that] a grandson9 was born and were
very delighted.10 [You] have directed11 that by
the grace of [Śrī Gorakhanātha]12 [we] shall always prosper. It is [Śrī Gorakhanātha]13 who does [everything] and
causes [everything[ to be done. By his grace [the child] was born. By his wish [it]
was taken. Such is the world. It is the wish of [Śrī Gorakhanātha]. But if your feet
grant the blessing, others shall go on being born,14 [and] those who are born shall live long. Grant [us
your] blessing.15
uprānta: [Your] order has come16 to maintain very amicable relations (mīṭhās)
with17 Jumla18 and Jajarkot19 in order to come to an agreement (ghā).20 A pair of (ek
jolyā21 ) excellent men of ours went from
here22 to
Jumla. From there 23 two24 Jumlīs,25 1 Mahatāra26 [and] 1 Buḍhāthokī,
27 have arrived here as well. [They] came to
suggest (bhanna āyā) that we should unite Gorkha and Jumla and that they had come to take (text: līna
āñyuṃ28 ) good men (back with them); and 8-10 men will also go from
here to Jumla, including Vīrabhadra Paṃtha,29 the son of
Mahesvara Paṃtha.30 They are ready (to depart). But if we send them by the
same way (the two Jumlīs came)31 the Caubīsī states will not let even important
people pass (through their territory).32 Even if
people can go [they] will not let presents pass. Therefore, [our men] will take the
way [that goes] via our Ruhi Bhot (text:
rūhī bhoṭa).33 Please send34 also people of your own from where [you are] to
Jumla; make our [relations] with Jumla [and] Jajarkot [good]. It remains [to mention]
that 35 people
from here will be going36 to Salyan37 and Jajarkot. To Pyuthana,38 too, good people will be going.
uprānta: [Your] sword was sent to the Kirāta campaign in
compliance with [your] orders.39 As much
territory the Kirātas had in the plains (text: maḥdhyes40 ), the hills (pahāḍa) [and] Tibet
(bhoṭa) all that was conquered41 by your blessing. [Now] the
border reaches in42 the plains
(text: mādhye43 ) to the Kankai River (text: kanakāī
nadī44 ), in the hill region to the Sābhā
Kholo (text: sābhā
ṣolo)45 and the Tamur River (text: tamora
nadī). We were not able to kill [the Kirātas’] men. [They]
fled. Some went towards India (text:
moṅgalānā for
mogalānā). Some went towards
Sikkim (text: suṣima).46 Some 85
odd47 were killed in the bush and forests. 48 Moreover (bākī),
[negotiations] to reach an agreement (ghā) with Sikkim have
started. Once an agreement is reached, those who flee (to Sikkim) from (the lands of)
the Kirātas will have to be arrested49 and
handed over to us. If an agreement is not reached, we will have to fight with Sikkim.
Sikkim will [then] attack (us). By your blessing we shall destroy (Sikkim’s troops)
utterly.50
uprānta: You asked:51 "Shall I go to Dang52 now or
stay53 in Salyan?" Our opinion is that even if less respect
(yādara)54 is shown (to you) in
Salyan and more respect is shown (to you) in Dang, [you] should stay in Salyan. What
should be done if no respect at all is shown in Salyan?55 If no respect is shown, [you]
will have to leave. Moreover (bākī), we have already offered at
your feet the maṇḍalāi (i.e. the office of central overseer of
jogīs and the levies assigned to it).56
uprānta: Our (men) Vīsvāmītra
Ūpādhyā57
[and] Gaṅgānanda Ācārja58 have gone to
Sikkim.59 Vṛhaspatī Panḍit60 has gone to
Purnea (text:
purai[n]ī̃ñā).61 Kīrīṭamālī62 has gone to Patna (text: paṭanā). Vaikuṃnṭha
Pādhyā63 has gone to the (court of) Navāba
Sujā Daulā.64 These are the places (our) men
are in. Dīnānātha Upādhyā65 is on the way
to Calcutta (kalakattā). In a few
days he will reach [there]. Moreover (bākī), Bhīma Gīrī's66 disciple Rāja Gīrī67 will also
be going to Lhasa (lāsā). His
trading establishment (koṭī, lit. "storehouse") is in Benares
(kāśī), but he has a house, fields and a trading establishment
here as well. 68
uprānta: We are carrying on friendly discussions (lit.
exchanging compliments (lolopoto))
with Lamjung (text: lamajūṃ). Vīsvesvara
Ūpādhyā69 and
Sīvā Ghīmīryā 70 are [there]. We are also carrying on discussions with Kaski.71 Our Vīrabhadra
Thāpā72 is in Kaski. Two73 Brahmins (text:
"vābham") from Kaski are here. With the other Caubīsī
[kingdoms] our [relations] are just as [they always have been]. You74 know about [the situation]. They try to
harm us as much as they can.75 [But] their [power] does not suffice and [they] remain incapable of
acting. 76 Sasidhara Ūpādhyā will tell [you] the
details.77 What else [to
say] to knowledgeable ones?
Friday, the 6th day in the bright fortnight of Bhādrapada [of the Vikrama era year
1831 (1774 CE)],78 residence Kathmandu. Auspiciousness.
Commentary
The text of this letter—repeatedly published79 and here re-edited on the basis of a
copy kept in the Guṭhī Saṃsthāna (card no. 33; Po. no. 15 Gu. Bam.)—is an important
source for the study of the expansive period of the Gorkha kingdom. It has frequently
been used by historians80 because it reveals many details about the different strategies
the state employed when conducting foreign affairs during this period.
It is also illustrative of the influential role ascetics could play in the politics
of the Hindu state. Bhagavantanātha is undoubtedly an extraordinary figure. To him
was ascribed a miraculous role in the conquest of Kirtipur,81 and he also had profound
knowledge of the western kingdoms,82 which led to his becoming an influential advisor of
King Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa. Many formal features of the letter attest that Bhagavantanātha
was held in high esteem. As the reconfirmations of his privileges show,83 this status did
not change after Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa's death in 1775. Even after Bhagavanātha passed away
in 1787, his successors still enjoyed the state's support and built up flourishing
monasteries in Salyan, which became the centre of the nātha
tradition in Nepal for several decades.
With regard to the role of ascetics in the foreign affairs of the rising Gorkhali
empire, another detail of the letter may be mentioned. It was
gosāī̃ experienced in trade who was send as
vakila to Lhasa to negotiate a treaty with Tibet.
Notes
1. The mention of the
guru's name helps to narrow down when this copy was
prepared. Besides one
Lokanātha who was confirmed as
successor to his
guruRūpanātha, the third
gaddī-holder
of Bhagavantanātha's lineage, by King
Rājendra in 1832
(VS 1889 Āṣādha
kṛṣṇa 5; see NGMPP
K_0469_0003 and 36) and who
passed away in 1848, there was a later Lokanātha who was selected as the next
gaddī-holder after Mahanta Chatranātha (or Chetranātha) by
the latter before he passed away in 1907 (VS 1964 Jyeṣṭha
gate
17, see
K_0469_0015). This decision was, however, opposed by one
Devīnātha who objected that Lokanātha was at the time only eleven
years old (cf.
K_0469_0045). As Bouillier (
1991a: 166f.
[with reference to the
Yogīvaṃśāvalī])
reports, Prime Minister
Candra Śamśera Rāṇā took
advantage of the situation, expropriated property of the
maṭha
and appointed a
mahanta of his choice (see also
Zotter 2018: 456). According to Bouillier (1991a: 168) the
appointee was
Puṣkaranātha, the person who—decades
later—granted Naraharinātha access to (the original of?) the letter edited here
(see note to Commentary). According to the
Yogīvaṃśāvalī the
young Lokanātha, declaring himself a victim of unjust tyranny, left Nepal to
settle in a South Indian monastery, where he died in VS 1999 (Naraharinātha n.d.:
89; see also Bouillier 1991a: 168). If this information is correct, the copy of
Bhagavantanātha's letter edited here was probably prepared in VS 1964 (or shortly
afterwards), maybe in support of Lokanātha's complaint.
[⇑] 2. The term
paramahaṃsa (lit. "the highest goose") denotes a
mythological bird, said to be able to filter milk from water with its beak. The
word is frequently used as a title by ascetics of assorted sectarian
affiliation.
[⇑] 3. While the king uses only three
śrīs for himself
(see below), the name of Bhagavantanātha is preceded by five
śrīs and a
śrīmad.
[⇑] 4. In the present document the adverbs "here" (mod. Nep.
yahā̃) and "there" (mod. Nep.
tyahā̃) are
regularly spelled
ṅāhā and
tāhā respectively
(cf. of the letter in the
Yogivaṃśāvalī,
Naraharinātha n.d.: 83-85). They have not been regularized in the
present edition. In other available editions of the letter these adverbs of place
appear as
yahā̃,
yāhā̃,
yāhā or
ṅāhā̃ and
tāhā̃ or
tāhāṃ (cf.
Baral 1964: 341-343;
Naraharinātha VS 2012:
152 and
VS 2022: 6f.; and
N.R. Panta
et al. VS 2025: 1187-1189).
[⇑] 6. This word, here written as
ūprāṃnta, occurs in a number of orthgraphic variants in the
document. Most common is the form
ūprā̃nta. In all other
editions (for references, see n. 4) it has been given in the standard form used in
the translation above.
[⇑] 7. Names of persons mentioned in the letter are given here as they appear
in the document. In Naraharinātha’s editions the letter-bearer’s name is given in
the (modern) standard spelling
Śaśidhara Upādhyāya
(Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 6; see also Baral 1964: 341;
Acharya 1969: 11 [
Shashidhar
Upadhyaya]). N.R. Panta et al. (VS 2025: 1187), although it refers
to Naraharinātha’s edition and shares many of his standardizations, has
Śaśidhara Pādhyā. Baral (1964: 74 n. 6) remarks that this
person perhaps was an officer in the service of the king. Sasidhara Upādhyā (thus
spelled) is also mentioned in a
dharmapatra to Bhagavantanātha
issued by Kṛṣṇa Śāha, the king of Salyan, in ŚS 1690 [1768 CE] (Naraharinātha VS
2022: 458; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1190 n.; on this
dharmapatra, see also
Bouillier
1991b: 12).
[⇑] 8. The text is unclear,
muhujamānī is oubtless meant for Hindi
mũha-zabānī. Acharya translates “and also heard his oral
account” (1969: 11); Baral (1964: 74): "by word of mouth".
[⇑] 9. I.e. the
first son of
Pratāpasiṃha (cf. Baral 1964: 75 n. 1)
and
Raṇabahādura's elder brother (cf. N.R. Panta et
al. VS 2025: 1193f.), who died in infancy. According to Baral (1964: 75 n. 1) his
name was
Nagendra. Acharya gives the name as
“
Nayak Singh” (1969: 12).
[⇑] 10. The text reads
bhaṅyau (cf. the
edition of the letter in the
Yogivaṃśāvalī, Naraharinātha
n.d.: 83). Naraharinātha (VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 6) and others (Baral 1964: 341
and N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1187) have
bhayo. Unlike Acharya
(1969: 11), Baral understands the passage as part of the report read out by
Sasidhara Ūpādhyā and translates: "[y]ou [i.e. Bhagavantanātha, CZ] say that you
have heard ..." (1964: 74f.).
[⇑] 11. hukum āyecha, lit. "[your] order has come". The second
perfect tense (
āyecha, mod. Nep.
āecha)
usually implies that a fact has just been discovered or that the form it takes
goes counter to one’s expectations (cf.
Matthews 1997:
189;
Clark 1989: 245). In the present context, the
recurring phrase, which styles statements—and even questions (see below)—of
Bhagavantanātha as "orders" (
hukum), is probably best
understood as one of the ways the king used to express his respect for the
jogī (see Bouillier 1991b: 14 and 19 n. 22).
[⇑] 12. The copy this edition is based on
does not record the deity’s name, which is usually written in the blank space
above the main text. According to Naraharinātha
śrī goraṣanātha
has to added here (VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 6; cf. Baral 1964: 341; N.R. Panta et
al. VS 2025: 1179). Acharya translates “with the blessings of Shri Nath” (1969:
11).
[⇑] 13. Cf. the previous note. In Naraharinātha’s first edition of the letter the empty
space is followed here by
śrīnāthajī (VS 2012: 152; see also
Baral 1964: 341; N.R.Panta et al. VS 2025: 1187).
[⇑] 14. The phrase
janmadā panī janmanan is unclear. Acharya understands
janmanan as a negative form and translates "no more will be
born" (1969: 11). This would be an odd wish. It is therefore assumed that the
word, like
hunan occurring later in the sentence, is an
alternative 3rd person future form using
n instead of
l (see Clark 1989: 225;
Turnbull
1888: 80).
[⇑] 15. As Baral 1964: 75 n. 3 aptly observes, the use of
the high-grade honorific form shows the king’s profound respect towards
Bhagavantanātha (cf. Bouillier 1991b: 15).
[⇑] 17. With one exception (
saṃga) the present
document regularly has
saga for mod. Nep.
sãga. In Naraharinātha’s edition this postposition in most
cases appears as a separate word in the spelling
saṃga (VS
2012: 152 and VS 2022: 6f.; see also Baral 1964: 341-343). N.R. Panta et al. (VS
2025: 1187f.) suffix
saṃga to the preceding word.
[⇑] 18. The name
jumalā
appears later in the text also as
jumlā. The printed editions regularly have the first
variant (Baral 1964: 341f.; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta
et al. VS 2025: 1187f.). In an earlier letter from Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa to
Bhagavantanātha, it is reported that
Kālū Pā̃ḍe (the
sardāra, not the famous
kājī)
together with some members of the
tharaghara will be sent
to Jumla to—by the grace of Bhagavantanātha (
āphna kṛpā
bhayā)—reach an agreement (see Baral 1964: 72, 339; Naraharinātha VS
2012: 151; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1186).
[⇑] 19. The name of this Bāisī principality south
of Jumla, elsewhere in the copy appearing as
jājarkoṭ, is misspelled here as
jājararkoṭ, a mistake also occurring one time in
Naraharinātha's edition (VS 2022: 7). Other variants of the name found in the
editions are
jājarakoṭa and
jājarkoṭa (see Baral 1964:
341f.; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025:
1187f.).
[⇑] 20. The exact meaning of the word
ghā—explained in the
Nepālī Bṛhat Śabdakośa as "
samjhautā,
sandhi,
melamilāpa" (see
Parājulī et al. VS 2052: s.v.
ghā 1) is
unclear. Baral translates
ghā garnyā in the present context as
"to cultivate friendly relations" (1964: 75) and Acharya as "to conclude treaties"
(1969: 11). The word
ghā is used again when the letter later
talks about the relations with Sikkhim. There Baral speaks of a "treaty" (1964:
76) and Acharya of "establishing peace" (1969: 11). In the variant
ghāhā, the term also occurs in Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa's
Divya Upadeśa when relations with the emperor of China are
addressed (
cīna bādaśāhasita ṭhulo ghāhā rāṣnu,
Ācārya and Naraharinātha VS 2070: 45). In a note to their
edition of this text, Ācārya and Naraharinātha explain the word as
mitratā, "friendship" (ibid.). Stiller translates "a treaty
of friendship" (
1968: 42).
[⇑] 21. The letter
y is hardly
readable but the
nukta—usually employed to distinguish
y from
p—supports this reading (cf. the
editions in Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; and Baral 1964: 341). N.R.
Panta et al. (VS 2025: 1187) have "
yeka ṭolyā" (for mod. Nep.
ṭolī, "delegation"?). Baral translates "[a] delegation of
two experienced men" (1964: 75). Acharya ignores the word in question and
translates "[a] good man" (1969: 11).
[⇑] 22. The text reads
yetā. Other editions use
the modern standard spelling
yatā (Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152
and VS 2022: 7; Baral 1964: 341; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1187).
[⇑] 23. The present documents has
ūhā
for mod. Nep.
vahā̃. All other editions use the spelling
vāhāṃ (Baral 1964: 341; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS
2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1187).
[⇑] 24. All editions
have
dvi instead of
duī of the present
document (Baral 1964: 341; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta
et al. VS 2025: 1187) .
[⇑] 25. All editions have
jumaliyā instead of
jumlī (Baral 1964:
342; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025:
1187).
[⇑] 26. According to
Adhikary (1988: xliii)mahātārā originally denoted the post of a village headman in
the Khasa kingdom but was later used as a family name.
[⇑] 27. Baral explains explains that both Mahatāra and Buḍhāthokī are
"Khas clans" (1964: 75 n. 5).
[⇑] 28. Other editions have
° āñyū
(Baral 1964: 342; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS
2025: 1188).
[⇑] 31. According to Baral (1964: 75 n. 7),
tehī vāṭo refers to the way the letter took to reach
Bhagavantanātha in Salyan.
[⇑] 32. The phrase
sapani (after
mānīs panī) is considered a
superflous reduplication (cf. Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7 and Baral
1964: 342). The edition of N.R. Panta et al. (VS 2025: 1188) has
hatapati instead of
sapani and could be
translated as "... will hardly let even important people pass". In an earlier
letter to Bhagavantanātha the king reports that Lamjung and
Tanahun had blocked all the fords and roads and do not let even a
mouse go through (
lamajuṅga tanahũle ghāṭa
vāṭa savai vanda gari chekyā ra muṣo pani chirana diyenan,
Naraharinātha VS 2012: 151; cf. the editions in Baral 1964: 340; Naraharinātha VS
2022: 7; and N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1186 [all with slight variants]). on a
similar blockade by the Bāisī states, see D.R. Regmi 2007 I: 233.
[⇑] 33. The name of this locality is spelled differently by the various editors. In his
first edition of the letter, Nariharanātha has "
uhī
bhoṭa" (VS 2012: 152; see also Baral 1964: 342), while
in his second edition he writes "
uhī (rudra)
bhoṭa" (VS 2022: 7; cf. D.R. Regmi (2007 I: 100), who
mentions "
Rudrabhot" as a "strategic area [...] in
the north" that Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa placed under a commander). In the edition of N.R.
Panta et al. the place appears as "
ruhī bhoṭa" (VS 2025: 1188),
with the commentary noting that envoys and presents were sent via the Tibetan side
(
bhoṭa bhekabāṭa), although this was a "difficult way"
(
gāhro bāṭo, ibid.: 1191). Baral (1964: 76) translates "by
our usual route through Bhoṭ" and comments in a note: "[i]mplying
Rui Bhoṭ, the northern territory of Gorkhā" (ibid.).
Similarily, Acharya translates "by the old route through Tibet" (1969: 11).
Elsewhere, though he argues—with reference to this letter, according to which
"people travel through our Ruhi Bhot" (
Acharya 1977:
10f. )—that already
Rāma Śāha had "extended his
dominions to the village of
Ruhi across
Lorke-Bhanjyang" (
Acharya 1976:
118) in order to gain control over the salt trade with Tibet that was in the hands
of the
Guruṅs of "
Warpak"
(
Bārpāka).
[⇑] 34. Again, a royal honorific form is used to address the
jogī.
[⇑] 35. The text only says:
bākī (mod. Nep.
bã̄kī ), lit. "remaining, surplus". Cf. n. 56.
[⇑] 36. The copy edited here uses the spelling
āūchaṃ for the word occurring in the next sentence as
āūchan. Most other editions have (as in the next sentence)
āuchan (Baral 1964: 342; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152; N.R.
Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188). Only Naraharinātha (VS 2022: 7) has the modern
standard form
āũchan.
[⇑] 37. The name of the region where Bhagavantanātha
resided at that time (see below) appears in the copy edited here as
sallyānā or
sallyāṃ. The published
editions have
śalyānā
(Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; Baral 1964: 342; N.R. Panta et al. VS
2025: 1188) . The modern spelling is
sallyāna or
salyāna.
[⇑] 38. The copy writes
pīūṭhānā. Naraharinātha (VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7) and
others (Baral 1964: 342; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188) have
pyūṭhānā. The modern spelling is
pyūṭhāna.
[⇑] 39. The sentence has been understood
variously. Acharya translates: "[y]ou wanted swords for the Kirat expedition"
(1969: 11). Baral, on the contrary, translates: "[y]ou kindly sent a sword for our
successful invasion of the land of the Kirātas" (1964: 76). Considering that the
letter mentions Bhagavantanātha's "blessing" in the next sentence and that the
custom of a king being prepared for battle by receiving a sword as blessing from
an ascetic is not uncommon (for examples, see Baral 1964: 234,
Hasrat 1970: 134 and
A. Zotter 2016: 290f.
and
2018: 497-498 [with further references]), Baral's
interpretation seems the more plausible of the two. However, the sentence is
passive, and the agent of the verbal action has to be inferred.
[⇑] 40. This word (mod. Nep.
madeśa or
madesa, from. S.
madhyadeśa) appears in different spellings in the text (and
its editions). Most have the form
madeśa (Baral 1964: 342;
Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; and N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188).
Cf. n. 43.
[⇑] 41. phattye for mod. Nep.
phatte or
phatya (Cf.
Parājulī VS 2052:
s.v.). Most editions have
phattya (Baral 1964: 342;
Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188). Only Naraharinātha
(VS 2022: 7) has
phatya.
[⇑] 42. With two exceptions (
māhā), the
postposition "in" (mod. Nep.
mā) is written as
mahā in the present document. In Naraharinātha’s edition of
the letter it appears as
mahā̃,
māhā̃ or
mā̃hā, sometimes suffixed to the preceding word but in most
cases not. Baral (1964: 342f.) and N.R. Panta et al. (VS 2025: 1188f.) regularly
have
māhā̃ suffixed to the preceding word.
[⇑] 43. Other
editions spell the word here
madhyeśa (Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; and
N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188). Baral (1964: 342) has
madheśa. Cf. n. 40.
[⇑] 44. Only Naraharinātha (VS 2022: 7) has
kanakāi nadī. According to
D.R. Regmi (
2007 I: 238) this extension of the border
was achieved on Sunday, 25 September 1774. With that the Gorkhali empire would
have reached up to the western border of Sikkim (cf. ibid.: 76). For a discussion
of the different claims regarding the course of the border in this region, see
Pradhan 2009: 132.
[⇑] 45. A tributary of the
Tamur River mentioned below. Only one edition (Naraharinātha VS
2022: 7) regularizes
ṣ here, writing
sābhā kholo. Acharya 1969: 11 gives the name of the
river as “
Hasabharyakhola”.
[⇑] 46. Naraharinātha (VS 2012: 152)
and N.R. Panta et al. (VS 2025: 1188) also have
suṣima here;
Baral (1964: 342) and Naraharinātha (VS 2022: 7), the regularized form
sukhima.
[⇑] 48. The
text has
jhar for mod. Nep.
jhāra.
According to the available editions, the sentence starts "
aru
jhāra" (Baral 1964: 342; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7;
and N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188).
[⇑] 49. The copy edited here reads
pakrera. Naraharinātha’s first edition has
pakarera (VS 2012: 152; cf. Baral 1964: 342 and N.R. Panta
et al. VS 2025: 1188), but in his second edition (Naraharinātha VS 2022: 7) the
word is changed to the modern standard form
pakaḍera [⇑] 50. The text has
garaulā for
garauṃlā.
Some editions standardize the verb form (Naraharinātha VS 2022: 7 and N.R. Panta
et al. VS 2025: 1188), others not (Baral 1964: 342 following Naraharinātha VS
2012: 152).
[⇑] 51. Again the phrase
hukum āyecha is used.
[⇑] 52. The place name occurs in most cases as
dāṅga (Naraharinātha VS
2012: 152; cf. Baral 1964: 342 and N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188). The present
document has mistakenly
dāga
here, and Naraharinātha (VS 2022: 7) the modern spelling
dāṅ, although he elsewhere in the same edition
writes
dāṅga.
[⇑] 53. The present document has
basne, while the
editions of the letter read
basanyā (Baral 1964: 342;
Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025:
1188).
[⇑] 54. The text has
yādara for
ādara (see also Naraharinātha
VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; and Baral 1964: 342). Only the edition of N.R. Panta
et al. (VS 2025: 1188) reads
ādara.
[⇑] 55. While in the
present copy again
yādara is used, other editions have
yāda instead (Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7;
Baral 1964: 342; and N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188). Given the important role
Bhagavantanātha played in maintaining stability in Salyan (cf. Bouillier 1991b:
12) one might accept this reading as meaning: "What should be done if Salyan does
not remember (what you have done for the country)?" Baral translates: "If Śalyānā
is utterly indifferent to you, that does not matter" (1964: 77). Acharya's
translation (1969: 12) ignores the sentence.
[⇑] 56. On the
maṇḍalāi of Bhagavantanātha, first granted to him by
Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa in 1770 (VS 1827), see
K_0469_0009 (with further references).
Acharya speaks of the “remaining Mandal levies” (1969: 12). He probably assumes
that the word
bākī (i.e.
bā̃kī) preceding
maṇḍalāī is related to the latter, but given the use of
bākī in other passages of the text, where it introduces
further statements related to a certain topic, it can be assumed that the word
here has the same function and introduces another comment on Bhagavantanātha’s
personal situation. Furthermore, the letter may not only be talking about money.
Maṇḍalāī denotes the office (including, for example,
juridical authority over the
jogīs) as well as levies.
Baral—following Naraharinātha’s edition, which has
maṇḍala sita
instead of
maṇḍalāī ta (Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS
2022: 7;
maṇḍalasita Baral 1964: 342)—wholly brushes aside any
notion of an office and levies. He translates: "Moreover, I and everybody here
have been offering you our respects" (ibid.: 77).
[⇑] 59. Since a Sikkim chronicle mentions the payment of Rs.
4,000 "blood money" as compensation for the killing of four Brahmans (Pradhan
2009: 139), Pradhan assumes that these two emissaries "were probably killed along
with their two associates" (ibid.: 133). He further comments that these persons,
like the other emissaries mentioned in the letter, were probably sent "less to
parley then to espy" (ibid.; cf. Bouillier 1991b: 10 with reference to D.R. Regmi
1975 [=2007 I]: 134).
[⇑] 61. All other editions have
purainiyā̃ (Baral 1964:
77, 343; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025:
1188). As Baral (1964: 77 n. 3) remarks, the envoy was probably sent to the
British supervisor.
[⇑] 62. Other editions give the name as
Kirīṭamālī (Baral 1964: 343; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS
2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188).
[⇑] 64. In other editions the
name of
Śujā ud Daulā, the nawab of
Awadh (r. 1754-1775), appears as
Sujāuddaulā (Baral 1964: 343; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS
2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188).
[⇑] 66. All editions standardize the name as
Bhīmagiri (Baral 1964: 343; Naraharinātha VS 2012:
152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1188).
[⇑] 67. While Naraharinātha (VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7) and Baral (1964:
343) writes
Rājagiri in their editions (see also
Acharya 1969: 12 [
Raj Giri] and Baral 1964: 77
[
Rāj Giri]), N.R. Panta et al. (VS 2025: 1189)
gives the name as
Lālagiri (see also Pradhan
2009:133, 138 [
Lalgiri]). Like the addressee of the
letter, the Giris are ascetics but, as the name betrays, belong to another Śaiva
tradition, namely that of the
daśanāmīs.
[⇑] 68. As Acharya (1969: 13) comments, the letter is
probably alluding to a delegation sent to Lhasa for establishing trade relations
with Tibet. Pradhan (2009:138) assumes that the Giri mentioned is the
gosāī̃ who was sent to Tibet as
vakila
with a letter whose content was reported to
George
Bogle there in January 1775 (see
Markham 1876:
157f.). Pṛthvīnārāyaṇa's diplomatic activities resulted in the
Nepal-Tibet treaty signed after his death in 1775 (for details, see Pradhan 2009:
139f., 143). On the role ascetics played in the trans-Himalayan trade during that
time, see Zotter 2018: 448 (with further references).
[⇑] 71. The present document regularly has
kāskī (see also
Naraharinātha VS 2022: 7). Other editions also use
kāski (Baral 1964: 343; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152;
N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1189).
[⇑] 73. The document uses the numeral. Other
editions have "
dvi" (Baral 1964: 343; Naraharinātha VS 2012:
152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1189).
[⇑] 74. Again, the high honorific phrase "at your feet" (
ā[phnā]
pā̃vamāhā) is used.
[⇑] 75. Other editions have
bharisakya instead of
bharisakye (Baral
1964: 343; Naraharinātha VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025:
1189).
[⇑] 76. The verb
khumcinu also has the meaning
"to be ashamed or depressed".
[⇑] 77. The present document has the future form (cf. n. 13)
bīstāra [...] bīṃtī garnan. Other editions read
bistāra [...] binati garnān (Baral 1964: 343; Naraharinātha
VS 2012: 152 and VS 2022: 7; N.R. Panta et al. VS 2025: 1189).
[⇑] 78. The letter does not give the year, but since the
victory over the Kirātas mentioned in the document was gained in September 1774
(see n. 44) and Pṛthvīnarāyaṇa died in January 1775 the letter must have been
written during this period. According to N.R. Panta et al. (VS 2025: 1193) in VS
1831 the date provided corresponds in the lunisolar calendar to Bhādra 30
gate, which would have been a Sunday, not a Friday (see also
Baral 1964: 78 n. 1). Baral (ibid.) argues that on this Sunday, 11 September 1774,
the land of the Kirātas had not yet been conquered, and since only in the month of
Mārgaśīrṣa was the 6th
tithi of a bright fortnight a Friday, the
letter was probably composed on this day, that is, 9 December
1774.
[⇑] 79. For references, see n.
4. The provenance and the present whereabouts of the original document is not
entirely clear. Naraharinātha's influential edition is based on material (the
original letter?) to which he was granted access by Puṣkaranātha, the
mahanta of the
maṭha of Siddha
Bhagavantanātha in Rānāgrāma, i.e Rāṇāgāũ, in Salyan, Dang (see n. 1). Acharya in
his paper—actually an English translation of a Nepali article published in
Puruṣārtha 1, 1 (1949)—mentions that the original of the
letter was seen "in the possession of a mendicant at the Rana monastery in Salyan
forty years ago" (1969: 13) and explains that his copy was taken from a copy in
the possession of the Guṭhī Bandobasta Aḍḍa (ibid.), probably the copy edited
here. D.R. Regmi, who repeatedly makes use of the information provided in the
letter, refers to Naraharinātha's edition in
Sandhipatrasaṃgraha
(VS 2022: 6f.) but he also gives as another source the "Foreign Office
Archives" (D.R. Regmi 2007 I: 232 n.).
[⇑] 80. For references, see notes to the
Translation
[⇑] 81. See
Bouillier 1991b: 11 and
Unbescheid 1980: 25 (with
reference to Naraharinātha 1966: 454f. and 466).
[⇑] 82. See Bouillier 1991b: 10 and
Unbescheid 1980: 27.
[⇑]
Glossary
| Word | Notes |
|---|
| besī | var. baisī; adj. more, superfluous, exceeding (Turner 1931: s.v. besi). |
| daśanāmī | [S.] n. an order of Śaiva ascetics said to be founded by Śaṅkarācharya. |
| Guruṅ | var. gurūṃ; n. Gurung, Tibeto-Burman ethnic group in the central hills. |
| kājī | var. kāji; n. “an officer of ministerial rank superintending civil and military affairs“ (M.R. Pant 2002: 133; cp. Edwards 1975: 105). |
| lolopoto | var. lalopoto; flattery, compliment (Turner 1931: s.v. lolo-poto; cf. ibid.: s.v. lallo-pato). |
| mahanta | [S.] var. mahaṃta; n. the temporal and spiritual head of a centre (āśrama, maṭha, sthāna, akhāḍā) or wandering group (khālsā) of an ascetic order (cf. Burghart 1976: 100); an abbot. |
| sardāra | n. “a top-ranking official next in hierarchy to a kājī“ (M.R. Pant 2002: 135; cf. Pant and Pierce 1989: 94; M.C. Regmi 1978: 163 ; M.C. Regmi 1978: 229 ; M.C. Regmi 1978: 865; M.C. Regmi 1999: 137); "A military officer in the early Shah period; later, the designation of a civil officer also." (Kumar 1967: 167 ); "Kumar states they were of the nobility and "occupied civil and military offices of importance". Our sources place four of them in charge of the districts of Ilam, Salyan, Jumla, and Pokhara, and one at the fort at Chisapani. One was in China (perhaps as a member of the mission sent to the Emperor); one was a dittha of the courts; two were dadas (see below); and two or three were designated as "hajuria". Hajurias were "always present" with the King and served as personal attendants and body guards." (Edwards 1975: 105 ). |
| tharaghara | n. 1) originally referred to the leaders of the thirty-six clans (thara) of which the nobility of Gorkha consisted (Riccardi 1977: 47 n. 5). 2) member of the six clans (cha thara) of Pā̃ḍe, Pantha, Aryjāla, Khanāla, Rānā, and Bohorā, who supposedly assisted Dravya Shah in the conquest of Gorkha (Edwards 1975: 108). They were heriditary dignitaries, in the 11th of Rāma Śāha's edicts charged with the duty of protecting the throne and lawfulness (Riccardi 1977: 49). These six clans form the top level of the 36 clans of the Gorkhali nobility (ibid.: 62 n. 1). Persons from these six tharas often oversaw land measurements. 3) Also known as chatharīya, a clan within the Newar Śreṣtha caste group which are considered superior to Asala Śreṣṭha and other Śreṣṭhas of lower rank (MA-54 145.7-8). |
| uprānta | var. uprāṃta, ūprāṃnta, ūprā̃nta, prāṃta; also yathocita uprānta; conj. after that, besides, in addition to, hereafter. In earlier prose and official documents, this word marked the beginning of a text or paragraph. It has no equivalent in English (Clark 1989: 231). In some (mostly Rāṇā period?) documents, it takes the form of yathocita uprānta. |
| vakila | var. vakīla; n. 1) authorized public pleader. 2) envoy, representative. 3) advocate (cf. Michael 2012: 135). |
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